The Great migration of peoples to the Roman Empire gave rise to events that are sometimes extremely difficult to understand due to the fragmentary nature of the data that has come down to us. One of these events is the happy deliverance of the Aquitanian city of Vasata in southern Gaul from the Gothic rout. The main source for the siege of the city is the autobiographical poem "Eucharistik" ("Thanksgiving") by Paulinus of Pelleia1 .

The Peacock of Pella (c. 376-after 459) is a second-rate poet and is known as a person only by his work. At one time it was thought that the" Eucharist "belonged to Saint Pontius Paulinus of Nolan (353-431), but the circumstances of the two Peacocks' lives are too different to accept this attribution. 2 The poem, described by Valery Bryusov as "confessions of a loser of the IV century", contains a lot of historical sketches, interesting in that they were made "from nature" by an eyewitness and participant in the events. The actual side is recognized by researchers as reliable in its basis.

The hero of the poem was born in Pella (Macedonia) in the family of an important state official, the vicar of Macedonia, then the proconsul of Africa. He spent his childhood in Gallic Aquitaine near the town of Bourdigala (now Bordeaux). At the age of three, he saw his grandfather, the consul (Euch. v. 48-49): based on the dates of Paulinus ' life (Euch. v. 12-14, 232, 474-278, etc.), he could have been none other than Decimus Magnus Ausonius (c. 310-c. 394), the consul 379 and a famous poet, to whom Pavlin was a non-native (?) grandson 3 . Pavlin completed compulsory training in Greek-Roman literacy, read dialogues

1 The poem, consisting of 616 hexameters, entitled "Eucharisticus deo sub ephemeridis meae textu", has come down to us in the only manuscript of the IX century, now stored in Bern (cod. Bernenis 317). Another now-lost manuscript is included in the editio princeps (Bibliotheca Sanctorum Patrum. Appendix. V. III. P., 1579). This article uses the publications of: G. Brandes in Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinarum. V. XVI. Poetae Christiani Minores. P. I. Vindobonae, 1888 and G. White's edition based on Brandes ' text with a parallel English translation-Ausonius / With an English translation. N. O. E. White. V. II. With the Eucharisticus of Paulin Pellaeus. L., 1967. A prose translation of the episode with the Siege of Vazat (pages 343-400) was made by A. I. Maleyin in V. V. Latyshev's Scythica et Caucasica (SC. Vol. II. Vol. 2. St. Petersburg, 1906, pp. 416-419; VDI. 1949, No. 4, pp. 261-262). The full verse Russian translation of the poem from G. White's edition belongs to M. L. Gasparov (Peacock of Pella. Eucharist to the Lord God in the form of my daily story // Ausonius. Poems. Moscow, 19.93. Additions. Pp. 233-248).

2 In a ninth-century Bernese manuscript, the title reads: "unknown author" (incerti auctoris). The first edition of 1579 attributes authorship to Pavlin Nolansky. This opinion was held until the end of the last century (Granovsky T. N. Unpublished lectures of 1848/49 / / Lectures on the History of the Middle Ages, Moscow, 1986, p. 279; Manitius M. Geschichte der christlich-lateinischen Poesie bis zur Mitte des 8. Jahrhunderts. Stuttgart, 1891. S. 162). The erroneous attribution may be based on the identity of the names of Pavlin Nolansky and the author of the poem, whose name may have appeared in the manuscript used for the first edition. According to the place of birth indicated in the poem (v. 24), the author is called Pelleian (or - more accurately, but less euphoniously-Pella).

3 Paulinus 'father may have been the second husband of Absonius' daughter, Thalassius, vicar of Macedonia, then proconsul of Africa, or Hesperius, son of Absonius, who held the same state offices. Mother of the Peacock

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Plato, poems of Homer, Virgil. At a young age, to strengthen his health, he indulged in hunting and love joys. At the age of twenty, at the insistence of his father, he married and was diligently engaged in the affairs of his estate in the vicinity of Burdigala. "Walking in torment" began at the age of thirty. "There came a double trouble and a sad turmoil: / The first common trouble to all, when by misfortune / Our enemies have invaded the heart of the Roman empire , and the second, my only misfortune , is that my father died "(v. 233-236; translated by M. L. Gasparov). Personal troubles were compounded by a lawsuit with his own brother over his father's inheritance. But they soon fell into the background because of external disasters, which plunged not only Paulinus, but the whole of Gaul into a period of severe trials.

Roman Gaul at the beginning of the fifth century was seen by contemporaries as a flourishing country with a rich and enlightened population. The general crisis of the empire, although it made itself felt, did not particularly affect the lives of representatives of the layer to which the Peacock belonged - the large landowning aristocracy. The year 406 was a turning point. On the last day of December 4 , from the north, along the frozen Rhine, Gaul was invaded by the same barbarian peoples whom Paulinus (v. 235) calls the enemies of the empire: Suevs, Vandals, Alans. Rumor and official tradition blamed their arrival on the powerful Stilicho, the master of the army, a vandal by birth, who took a course to fight the barbarians with the forces of the barbarians themselves, who were accepted into Roman service: these accusations led to the fall and execution of Stilicho (408). For almost three years Gaul was ravaged by the crowds that dispersed throughout the country (Hieron. Epist. 123.15.3; Oros. VII. 40.3-9), then one part of the newcomers went to cooperate with the Romans, the other-the most numerous, in the autumn of 409 moved to Spain. Pavlin had escaped the first wave of barbarians, and although he had been able to leave for the Balkans, he still hoped to ride out the hard times on his well-kept estate. However, events developed progressively. In 412, already from the territory of Roman Italy, new dangerous visitors flooded into Gaul - the Visigothic tribes (Visigoths), who had recently ravaged Rome under the command of Alaric (410). Now they were led by Ataulf, the brother-in-law and successor of the suddenly deceased Alaric. Ataulf was in a difficult-sometimes peaceful, sometimes hostile-relationship with the imperial court in Ravenna, seeking from the Emperor Honorius (395-423) acceptable conditions for the stay of the Goths in Gaul. In the same years, in Gaul and Spain, applicants for the imperial throne appeared and disappeared one after another: Constantine (III), his son Constans (both from Britain), Maximus, Jovinus, Sebastian 5 . Gaul was being drawn into the maelstrom of political chaos that had engulfed our hapless hero. Thanks to his relentless desire to complain to the world, we have a rare opportunity to reconstruct in a number of important details one of the episodes of that turbulent time.

The peacock could not escape the broom of the barbarian invasion a second time. The Goths, who had settled in Aquitaine, still plundered his unguarded estate (Euch. v. 285-290). Then the emperor "himself" intervened in his fate. We are not talking about Honorius, but about Attalus, a Roman dignitary who twice acted as the bearer of supreme power in that time of troubles, both times with the support of the Goths. The first time

(Euch. v. 414), in any case, a Greek or Macedonian woman who died shortly after giving birth. On the pedigree of the Peacock: Manitius. Op. cit. S. 213; Ausonius I Transl. H. G. E. White. P. 295-296; Gasparov. U k op. p. 349; Etienne R. Bordeaux antique. Bordeaux, 1962. P. 363 suiv. (for the paternity of Tallasius); Matthews J. Western Histocracies and Imperial Court A.D. 364-425. Oxf., 1975. P. 70. Not. 3 (same). All events and dates of the Peacock's life are from the poem. At the time of its writing (459), Peacock was in his 84th year (Euch. v. 12 sqq. and 474-478).

4 Date of December 31, 406 in Zosimus (Zosim. 6.3.1; same date: Prosp. Tiro. Epit. Chron. 1230. P. 465 Mom.). In the Gallic Chronicle and the chronicle of the Comitatus Marcellinus, the event is erroneously dated three and two years later, respectively (Chron. Gall. a. 409. p. 630; Marcel. Corn. a. 408. p. 69; references to medieval chroniclers are given in the publication: MGH. Auctores antiquissimi. Т. IX. Chronica Minora / Ed. T. Mommsen. В., 1892).

5 Learn more about the events of this time in Gaul: Freeman E.A. The Tyrants of Britain, Gaul, and Spain, A.D. 406-411 // EHR. 1886. I. P. 53-85; Bury J.B. History of the Later Roman Empire. V. I. L., 1931. P. 185 ff.; Demougeot Е. La Formation de I' Europe et les invasions barbares. V. 2. P., 1979. P. 430-467.

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Attalus was elevated to the highest rank by Alaric (409), but soon removed by him, although he was left in the retinue. Attalus was again promoted to the post of "emperor" by Ataulf in Gaul (413 or 414) .6 Burdigala, native to the Peacock, was the place where Attalus ' "yard" was located. This "tyrant", as Pavlin calls him, creating the appearance of concern for compensation for losses, appointed Pavlin to the purely nominal and unprofitable post of" comitae comitivam largitionis " (privatae comitivam largitionis - v. 295), i.e. treasurer. Realizing the precarious position of Attalus, Peacock sought to enlist the support of the true masters-the Goths and their king Ataulf (in the poem-Athiulfus: v. 311). In part, he succeeded, but the good relations were short-lived: leaving Burdigala by order of Ataulf, the Goths subjected the city and its inhabitants to merciless plunder. The" Minister " Pavlin did not escape the common fate. Stripped to the skin, he could only thank God that he had escaped with his mother and the rest of the household. The peacock fled to the nearby town of Vasat( in urbe Vasatis), where he found that he had fallen "out of the fire and into the fire."

The Goths, from whom the Peacock escaped, were also under Vasat, taking it into siege. In the city itself, an even more dangerous conspiracy of slaves (factio servilis-v. 334) broke out, supported by a part of the aristocratic youth (iuvenum ingenorum). The plot was suppressed with little blood, and the Peacock itself escaped its impending doom. Under the influence of the experience, the Peacock made a" new mistake " (novus error). In his darkened mind, a plan was born to escape the city with his family, with the help of" a king who has recently been friendly to me " (regis dudum mihi cari - v. 246), 7 whose people were pressing the city with a siege. Peacock ventured into the barbarian camp to negotiate with the king. During a long conversation, he managed to persuade his friend to take measures to save the city. The ingenious plan, which ultimately ended in success beyond all expectations, is so unusual that it confuses more than one generation of researchers.

The king refused to give the Peacock a guard to ensure a safe exit for him personally, fearing the self-will of the Goths who were annoyed with the Peacock. Moreover, he declared that only by being admitted to the city walls would he be able to get rid of the oppressive arbitrariness of his people (ipse nisi mecum mox susciperetur in urbe, / gnarus quippe Gothos rursum mihi dira minari / seque ab ipsorum cupiens absolvere iure-v. 361-363). Pavlin was initially disheartened by the announcement, but he continued to win the king over to his side, and together they managed to find a plan for concluding a contract with the city community. During one night, the king communicated with the city authorities (primatibus urbis-v. 373), and they jointly worked out the terms of an agreement in the interests of both parties (nobis populoque suo - v. 376). In the morning, the contract began to be enforced. A "crowd of Alani women and their armed husbands" (turba Alanarum armatis sociata mantis - v. 378) flock to the city. Thus, it turns out that in the army besieging Vasat, in addition to the Goths, there were also Alans. The king's first wife (prima uxor) 8, along with the king's" favorite son " (regis sago nato), are given to the Romans as hostages. In accordance with the clauses of the treaty (inter foedera pacts - v. 381), the Peacock is released - as if from a Gothic captivity - and handed over to his family. The Alans who have defected to the Romans swear an oath to fight for their recent enemies, and their host (miles Alanus - v. 383) hastily fortifies the city walls.

6 On the year of Attalus ' second proclamation as Emperor: Oost S. I. Galla Placidia Augusta. A Biographical Essay. Chicago-London, 1968. P. 130. Not. 165.

7 Слово dudum лучше переводить как "недавно": Levison W. BischofGermanus von Auxerre und die Quellen zu seiner Geschichte // Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft fur altere deutsche Geschichtskunde. Bd XXIX. 1904. S. 135. The usual translation is "long ago" (A. Malein, G. White, M. Gasparov).

8 Prima uxor regis Romanis traditur obses (v. 379). Prima I translate by adjectives, as do A. Malein (Uk. op. p.262: "the tsar's first wife") and M. Manitius (Op. cit. p. 216: die erste Gemahlin). G. White (Ausonius... P. 335: First the king's wife is delivered to the Romans as a hostage) and M. Gasparov (Uk. op. p. 242: "The king's first wife is handed over to Rome as a hostage") understand the word "in the beginning" as an adverb.

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walls, and around them builds Wagenburg from carts 9 . All negotiations were conducted behind the backs of the bulk of the Goths. Having discovered the treachery of a significant part of the army, the Goths did not dare to continue the siege and hurriedly withdrew. A short time later, they were followed by new allies (auxiliares) Vasata-Alans, confirming the oath "to be faithful to the world "(fidem pacis servare-v. 397) with the Romans. The city and the Peacock were saved, for which the latter did not fail to thank the Lord again .10

How to understand all that has happened?

The key problem is determining the figure of the besieged king. His name is not mentioned under Vazat when describing events. Most researchers believe that the Peacock met with the king of the Alans, who was in league with the Goths. Many refer specifically to Goar, the most famous Alanian leader in Gaul at that time .11 Goar was an ally of the Romans in the harsh year 407 (Greg. Tur. Hist. Franc. II. 9), then together with the Burgundian Guntiarius supported the usurper Jovinus in 411 (Olymp. frg. 17). If you count the name of Eochar, the "fierce" leader of the Alans (Const. Vita Germ. 28), who was active in Armorica (Brittany) during the suppression of the rebellion of Tibatton in 445, by distorting the name Goar (the manuscripts of the Life of St. Herman give different readings: Eochar, Eocaricus, Eocricus, Gohar, Gochar, Goar), it turns out that he was an active participant in Gallic politics for four decades. Other historians doubt that Gohar was under Vasat and prefer to speak of an unnamed Alanian leader .12 Finally, there is a point of view that the king who is friendly to the Peacock is not Alan at all, but the Goth Ataulf 13 .

The version about Gohar looks unconvincing. Goar in 445 was clearly a pagan, an " idolatrous king "(rex idolorum minister-Vita Germ. 28), who did not know Latin, so Bishop Herman had to contact him through an interpreter. The king under Vasat is a Christian (auxiliante deo, cuius iam munus habebat-Euch. v. 375), an educated man who communicated freely - in Latin, of course - with the Roman aristocrat Paulinus. In addition, the Goar known to us did not operate in the southern, but in the northern and central part of Gaul. Possible presence in the camp

9 In the text: muris haerentia nostris / agmina barbarica plaustris vallantur et armis (v. 388-389). According to White (Op. cit. p. 333) and Gasparov (Uk. op. p. 343), the Goths create a fence of wagons. But the "barbarian crowd pressed against our walls" can only be Alanian.

10 As early as the sixth century, the retreat of the barbarians was attributed to some divine intervention (Lavisse E. Histoire de France depuis les origines jusqu'a la Revolution. T. 2. I. Le Christianisme, les Barbares, Merovingien. s et Carolingiens. P., 1903. p. 72, Rus. trans.: Obshchaya istoriya evropeyskoy kul'tury. Vol. VII. The history of France in the early Middle Ages. St. Petersburg, 1913, p. 319).

11 Granovsky. Uk. soch. P. 280; Eshevsky S. V. The epoch of peoples ' resettlement and the Carolingians. 2. Moscow, 1870, p. 49; Kulikovskiy Yu.A. Alany po svodeniyam klassicheskikh i vizantiiskikh pisatelei [Alans according to classical and Byzantine writers]. Kiev, 1899. S. 37; Sirotenko, V. T. History of international relations in Europe in the second half of IV - beginning of the VI. Perm, 1975. p. 109; Vinogradov V. B. Alany in Europe / / VI. 1974. N 8. P. 116 (events involving Goar are distorted beyond recognition in the article); Kuznetsov V. A. Ocherki istorii alan. 2nd additional ed. Vladikavkaz, 1992. p. 68; Kovalevskaya V. B. Alany v Zapadnoy Evrope (sopravlenie dannykh istorii, arkheologii, lingvistiki i antropologii, IV-V vv.) [Alany in Western Europe (comparison of historical, archaeological, linguistic and anthropological data, IV-V centuries)]. Vladikavkaz, 1992. P. 51; Vernadsky G. V. Drevnyaya Rus ' [Ancient Russia]. Tver, 1996, p. 153; Seeck O. Goar / / RE. VII. 1912. Sp. 1547 (three last authors - presumably); Schmidt L. Geschichte der Deutschen Stamme bis der Ausgang der Volkerwanderung. 2. Aufl. Miinchen, 1934. S. 458 ("without a doubt" - ohne Zweifel); Bury. Op. cit. P. 198. Not. 2; Demougeot. Op. cit. P. 499 ("probably" - il est probable). Leveson (Op. cit. S. 135) traces the tradition of seeing the king under the Vase of the Alanian Goar to the works of S. Tillemont S. Histoire des empereurs. T. V. Bruxelles, 1710. P. 1312) and Fauriel C. Histoire de la Gaule meridionale sous la domination des conquerants germains. I. P., 1836. P. 131).

12 Manitius. Op. cit. S. 216; Helm R. Paulinus von Pella (10) / / RE. Bd XVIII. 4. 1949. Sp. 2352; Courtois Ch. Les Vandales et l' Afrique. P., 1955. P. 47. Not. 3; Bachrach B.C. The Alans in Gaul // Traditio. V. 23. 1967 (=Armies and Politics in the Early Medieval West. Aldershot, 1993. III). P. 479; idem. A History of the Alans in the West. Minneapolis, 1973. P. 29; Oost. Ор. cit. P. 132; Goar // PLRE. V. II. A.D. 395-527. Cambr., 1980. P. 514; Anonimus 118// Ibid. P. 1236; Matthews. Op. cit. P. 324.

13 Lavisse. Op. cit. p. 72; General history of European culture, p. 319; Ausonius / Transl. H. G. E. White, p. 335; Gasparov. Uk. soch. p. 242, 349, 350.

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The Goths are usually associated with the events of the Jovian rebellion 14 . This Gallic nobleman was proclaimed emperor in 411 in the lower German town of Mundiac 15 by the efforts of Goar and the Burgundian leader Guntiarius (Olymp. fr. 17; cf. Greg. Tur. Hist. Franc. II. 9). After some time, Jovinus was joined by Ataulf, who soon parted ways with the usurper. In 413. Jovinus was captured by Ataulf at Valentinus (now Balanus) in southern Gaul (Olymp. fr. 19; Chron. Gall. a. 452), but Goar is not mentioned - apparently, he left the usurper earlier. In the 30s and 40s of the fifth century, the Goar horde was located in the middle reaches of the Loire, near Orleans, and was there-already led by Sangiban-until the invasion of Attila's Huns in the 50s (Jord. Get. 194; 226). In addition to all this, the very thesis that the negotiations with the Peacock were conducted by the Alan leader (not necessarily Goar) cannot be accepted for the following reasons.

Peacock presents the king as the leader "whose people" (cuius populus - v. 347) besieged Vasat. In the poem, as enemies of the Peacock and the city, the Goths are more often implied or directly called (v. 331, 351, 362, 382, 391, cf. the reference to the Alans as "recent enemies" - nuper... hostis: v. 385), so it is logical to assume that Peacock was dealing with a Gothic king. The latter besieges the city reluctantly, obeying the" will of the Gothic people " (imperio gentis Gothorum-v. 351), being subjected to pressure "from their own side" (ab ipsorum - v. 363). This situation is only possible within the tribe. The Alanian king cannot do the will of the Gothic people. In barbarian societies, the "king" (rex) is closely related to the tribe (people) that chooses him: without him, he will not be king, and without his own king, the people cannot be considered sovereign .17 Such a fact is known, which took place several years later. In 418, a politically independent group of Alans suffered a heavy defeat at the hands of the Goths in Spain, losing their king Addak in battle. The fifth-century chronicler Idacius reports: "The Alans, who had helped the Vandals and Sueves, were so cut down by the Goths that after the death of their king Addacus, the few who survived, since their royal power (regnum) was destroyed, gave themselves up to the protection of a Vandal king named Gunderic" (Hydat. Chron. 68; Isid. Hist. 22). Since then, the Vandal kings have held the title of "kings of the Vandals and Alans" .18

The king who acted under Vasat could only be a leader of the Goths, namely, Ataulf, already known to us, king of the Visigoths in 410-415. In the story, the king appears as a recent (dudum) acquaintance of the Peacock, and this makes us remember how, when in Burdigal, the Peacock established contacts with the Goths (Euch. v. 302 sqq.). As Attalus 'confidant, Paulinus must of course have known the Gothic king, whereas the poem does not give any information about Paulinus' contacts with the Alans or their king before Vasatus.

The image of the Gothic king in Peacock is quite consistent with the character of Ataulf, which is drawn by other literary sources. All of them note as the most important feature of Ataulf's policy its pro-Roman orientation, which was maturing

14 Levison. Op. cit. S. 135-136; Schmidt. Op. cit. S. 458; Kovalevskaya. Alans in Western Europe ... p. 49.

15 Mundiac city (near Olympiodorus: Second (i.e. Lower) Germany is not known according to other sources. Many researchers identify it with Moguntiak (now Mainz) in First (Upper) Germany (Seeck. Goar. Sp. 1547; Kulikovsky. Alans... p. 35; same name. History of Byzantium. 395-518 gg. SPb., 1996. p. 210; Bury. Op. cit. P. 194; Kovalevskaya. Alans in Western Europe ... p. 48; Bachrach. The Alans in Gaul. P. 478; Demougeot. Op. cit. P. 492. Not. 66). Cf. commentary by E. C. Skrzhinskaya (Jordan. On the origin and deeds of the Geth, St. Petersburg, 1997, p. 301. Note 484).

16 Thompson E.A. The Settlement of Barbarians in Southern Gaul //JRS. 1956. 66. P. 66; Bachrach. The Alans in Gaul. P. 477- 478; Stock K. Rec.: Bachrach B.S. A History of the Alans in the West. Minneapolos, 1973 // Francia. 1977. Bd 5. S. 853.

17 Ronin V. K. Franks, Visigoths, and Lombards in the VI-VIII centuries: political aspects of Self-awareness. 1989. p. 66: "Only the presence of royal power makes gens independent... strong... organized... The king's activities and very fate are inextricably linked to the fate of gens. The king increases the glory of the people and protects them, the people fight for the king."

18 See Courtois. Op. cit. P. 380.

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gradually and especially clearly and openly manifested in Gaul, as well as his conflict on this ground with his own people .19 For a better understanding of the events under Vasat, it is worth referring to what is known about this Gothic king.

After leading the Visigothic people after the death of the terrible Alaric, Ataulf was at first a dangerous enemy of the empire. According to Jordan, Ataulf, "having assumed power, returned to Rome and, like locusts, shaved off everything that remained there, robbing Italy not only in the field of private fortunes, but also in the state, since the Emperor Honorius could not resist anything" (Jord. Get. 159; Translated by B. C. Skrzynska). But then the situation began to change. By agreement with Honorius, Ataulf left Italy (412) and went to Gaul, waiting for the emperor to supply food. Negotiations were hampered by the continued captivity of Honorius ' sister, Galla Placidia, who had been detained by Ataulf since 410. At the time of another cooling of relations with the empire, Ataulf, on the advice of Attalus, supported the Gallic usurper Jovinus (see above). The latter was clearly burdened by the presence of too strong an ally and, in addition, recklessly took on the service of Goth Sar, a sworn enemy of Ataulf (see Zos. 6.13.2). Ataulf, who did not forget the old enmity, killed a small group of Sar together with the leader (Olymp. fr.17). When Jovinus took his brother Sebastian as co-ruler, contrary to the opinion of the Gothic king, he offered Honorius his services in removing the usurper, which were immediately accepted. The revolt was crushed by Ataulf, Sebastian's head was sent to the emperor, and the captive Jovinus was killed by the prefect of Gaul, Dardanus (Olymp. fr. 19). While Ataulf remained personally committed to a lasting peace with Rome, he was still forced to engage in skirmishes with imperial troops, mainly due to lack of provisions. Without receiving supplies from the Roman government, Ataulf occupied the cities of southern Gaul: Narbonne, Bourdigal, Toulouse, unsuccessfully attacked Massilia. It is during this period that the misadventures of the Peacock begin (Euch. v. 285 sqq.).

In 414, an important event occurred both for Goto-Roman relations and for the assessment of the situation at Vasat - the marriage of Ataulf to Galle Placidia. According to Jordan (Get. 160), their marriage took place in Italy in 411, but a closer and more accurate Olympiodorus reports that the wedding took place in Narbonne on January 1, 414, that is, already in Gaul, in the house of the noble Roman Ingenius. Ataulf was dressed in Roman robes, Galla Placidia-in the clothes of the empress, Attalus performed the wedding epithalamium (Olymp. fr. 24). The Christian writer Orosius, according to a Narbonne citizen who knew Ataulf intimately, recorded the following arguments of the Gothic king about his priorities in politics. At first, Ataulf "fervently desired, by destroying the very name of the Romans, to transform the whole Roman land into the empire of the Goths, so that, simply put, what was Romania (Gothia quod Romania fuisset) would become Gothic, and Ataulf would become what Caesar Augustus had once been; but he learned from long experience that the Goths were not in any way the same as the Goths." they cannot obey the laws because of their unbridled savagery, and the state cannot be without laws, because a state without laws is not a state, so in the end he (Ataulf) preferred to have the glory of benefactor and restorer of the Roman state with the help of the forces of the Goths (Romano nomine Gothorum viribus), so that the memory of posterity will remain he initiated the revival of the empire, after he could not become its reformer. So Ataulf did not go to war with the Romans, but preferred peace, yielding to the persuasions and advice of his wife Galla Placidia, a very intelligent and rather religious woman, who encouraged him to do good deeds " (Oros. VII. 43.5-7) 20 . Such a policy led Ataulf to a confrontation with the main part of the army, according to the old

19 About this: Thompson E.A. The Visigoths from Fritigem to Euric // Historia. 1963. Bd XII. Ht 1. P. 113; Oost. Op. cit. P. 126.

20 Cit. by: Fedorova E. V. People of Imperial Rome, Moscow, 1990, pp. 324-325; on the personality of the Narbonnese who passed on the words of Ataulf: Frye D. Rusticus: ein gemainsamer Freund von Athaulf und Hieronymus? A response // Historia. 1994. Bd XLIII. Ht 4. S. 504-506.

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a memory that looked upon the king as a military leader, not as a sovereign. This conflict later cost Ataulf his life.

Marrying Placidia without Honorius ' approval had strained relations with Rome. The former (and future) contender for Placidia's hand, Consul Constantius of 414, Honorius ' most influential general, launched military operations against Ataulf in Gaul. Once again, hunger was the most powerful weapon. The Consensual blockade of sea routes from Africa, the breadbasket of the Mediterranean, forced the Goths to plunder the local population, as Pavlin mentions. Unable to stay put and in an effort to keep his warriors from continuing their outrages, Ataulf, after new negotiations with Honorius, decides to take the Goths to Spain for another war with their ancient rivals the Vandals (Jord. Get. 163). The evacuation of Burdigala and the siege of Vasat occur at this time, and therefore in the spring and autumn of 414. 21 After the Alans joined the Romans at Vasat, Ataulf crossed the Pyrenees and settled in Spain. Somewhere along the way, they were left with an unnecessary Attalus, which then fell into the hands of Constantius, and, having passed as a prisoner in a triumphal procession through the streets of Rome, ended his life in exile in the Lipari Islands (Philostorg. Hist. Eccl. XII. 5-6).

The further fate of the Gothic king is full of drama. The marriage of Ataulf to Galla Placidia, although for love, as a modern biographer thinks, 22 did not bring them happiness. Their son, who was already born in Barcelona, Spain, and was named Theodosius (after his grandfather, Placidia's father Theodosius the Great), died shortly after birth. Ataulf himself was assassinated in August 415 by Dubius (Olymp. fr. 26), one of his own cronies, who was taking revenge on the king for the death of his former master (Sarah?), the leader of the "Gothic party" Orosius adds that the murder was organized by opponents of the alliance with the empire (Oros. VII. 43. 8). On his deathbed, Ataulf bequeathed his brother (name unknown) to keep peace with the Romans. But Sar's brother Singerich (Segerich at the Jordan) seized power by force. In his revenge on Ataulf, he killed "his children by his first wife," literally snatching them from the weak hands of Bishop Sigesar (Olymp. fr. 26). Galla Placidia, reduced to the position of a captive, had to walk, bound, twelve Roman miles in front of the new master's horse. Singerich's triumph did not last long: seven days later, he was also killed because of his "propensity for peace" (Oros. VII. 43.9). Royal power passed to Wallia (415-419), "chosen by the Goths to break the peace with the empire" (Oros. VII. 43.10). However, the force of circumstances soon prompted Wallia to make an alliance with the Romans, giving them Placidia. Gregory of Tours, apparently referring to the tragedy of Ataulf and Singeric, wrote about the bad Gothic tradition: "The Goths adopted the dreadful custom that if any king displeased them, they put him to the sword and made the one they liked king" (Hist. Franc. III. 30. Translated by V. D. Savukova).

Let's go back to Vazat. The leader of the army that besieged the city is Ataulf, but how did the Alans end up in the camp of the Goths? In the poem, they appear as part of the Gothic host (pars agminis-Euch. v. 390), without their own king, but acting quite independently, although with the consent of Ataulf. We remember that Ataulf was at some time with the usurper Jovinus, and could - under certain circumstances - meet with Goar or his men. In principle, we can assume that some part of Alan Goar then left with the Goths, but we do not have any information on this. In addition to organized events,

21 On the chronology of events: Barker E. Italy and the West, 410-476 //The Cambridge Medieval History. 1924. V. I. P. 403; Oost. Op. cit. P. 132; Demougeot. Op. cit. P. 467.

22 Oost. Op. cit. P. 121, 135.

23 Jordan (Get. 163) calls the murderer Everwulf (probably Dubia's nickname) and exposes Ataulf's ridicule of his small stature as the reason for the murder. According to the Paschal Chronicle (Chron. pasch. a. 415), Ataulf's death was celebrated in Constantinople on September 24, 415. Therefore, the murder itself could have occurred at the end of the summer.

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under the leadership of their own kings (except for Goar, Respendial, Addak) of the Alanian hordes, in Gaul of this time there were many scattered," beginningless " groups of Alans who joined the larger Germanic tribes. Alan is known as a servant and active participant in the rebellion of Gerontius in 413 (Olymp. fr. 16). Replenishment of the ranks of Ataulf's army by Alans at the expense of individual fighters or small groups cannot be excluded. But the presence of such a large body of Alans in the Gothic camp near Vasat (magna turba-Euch. v. 386; pars agminis haut mediocribs-v. 390) that his "treason" immediately forced the Gothic army to retreat must be explained by other reasons.

In Peacock's description, the Alans ' conversion to the Roman side occurs simultaneously with the issue of Ataulf's first wife as a guarantee of peace: from this we can conclude that she was an Alanian, as Y. A. Kulakovsky writes directly, although without justifying the conclusion 24 . The marriage was quite old, if Ataulf, according to Olympiodorus (fr. 26), had several children, their number is not specified by Olympiodorus, but in the text of the epitaph (fictitious?) on the tomb of Ataulf, preserved by I. Vasey with reference to the work of a Spanish author of the XVI century. Antonio Pedro Beuter (Petrus Antonium Beuter), it is said that Ataulf was killed along with six children (cum sex natis) 25 . Most likely, Ataulf was already married by the time he was first mentioned in the sources (408) as a leader of the Pannonian Goths (Ostrogoths) at the conclusion of an alliance with Alaric, the husband of his sister (Zos. 5.37.1). Danubian Pannonia (present - day Hungary) is a place where the Alans settled for a long time, often interspersed with other barbarian peoples (Jord. Get. 161) 26 . Alano-Gothic relations were strengthened during the mass migration of Goths and other barbarians to the Roman Empire, which began in the 70s of the fourth century. Jordan (Get. 140) points out that the Gothic leaders Alathaeus and Saphracus arrived to settle in Pannonia on the field of victory at Adrianople (378), and according to Marcellinus (XXXI. 12.12-17), in the battle they commanded the Goto-Alan cavalry. The combination of Alafei and Safrak is interpreted in modern literature as a "mixed Goto-Alano-Hun formation" 27 . Near the Danube, Ausonius places the "Getae" (Goths) and their allies Alans in his consular prayer on the eve of 379 (Rg. cons. I. 32). The panegyric of Pacatus around 391 names among the inhabitants of Pannonia Goths, Huns and Alans (Paneg. P. 32). Ataulf himself may have been of mixed Goto-Sarmatian origin

24 Kulikovsky. History of Byzantium. 395-518 gg. p. 212. Note: 2. In the summary of the episode under Vasat ("Vasas") Kulakovsky makes the mistake of introducing Bishop Herman of Avxera, who actually mediated between the local inhabitants and the Alans, but not at Vazat in 414, but at Armorica in 445 (Const. Vita Germ. 28). Kulakovsky is more precise in his "Alans" (p. 363), following the version about King Goar (see above, note 11). F. Dan, based on the publication of G. Valesius (PG. T. 65), considered Ataulf's first wife ostrogotka, referring to her the words in the damaged text of Philostorgius (Hist. Eccl. (Dahn F. Das Konige der Germanen. Bd. 5. 2. Aufl. Lpz, 1883. S. 60. Anm. 5), attributed by other commentators to Ataulf himself and his Goths.

25 Vasaeus J. Chronici rerum memorabilium Hispaniae. T. I. Calmanticae, 1552. P. 81; idem. Rerum Hispaniae Memorabilium Annales. Coloniae, 1577. P. 321; idem. Rerum Hispanicarum Chronicon // Rerum Hispanicarum scriptores aliquot... T. I. Francofurti, 1579. P. 535. Probably, I. Vasey was referring to the work of Bevter: Cronica general de toda Esparia.Valencia, 1546-1551 (unavailable to me). E. Gibbon expressed doubts about the existence of the epitaph itself (an epitaph of suspected authority), but recognized the accuracy of the information contained in it: Gibbon E. The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. V. III. L., 1870. P. 470; Dahn. Op. cit. Bd 5. S. 65. In the twentieth century, scientists managed to forget what their predecessors knew. L. Schmidt, quoting the report of Olympiodorus about the murder of Ataulf's children from his first marriage, was perplexed: Nach Dahn sechs, aus welcher Quelle? (Op. cit. S. 459. Anm. 6).

26 There is a complex problem of identifying archaeological traces of the Alans ' presence in Pannonia. From recent works: Kuznetsov V. A. Alans in Western Europe in the era of the "Great Migration of Peoples" / / Alans: Western Europe and Byzantium. p. 20 sl.; on. Ocherki istorii alan [Essays on the history of Alan]. p. 74 sll. Experience in the study of archaeological monuments of Alan in Western Europe and North Africa // Alana: history and culture. Vladikavkaz, 1995, pp. 79-100.

27 Budanova V. P. Goths in the era of the Great Migration of peoples, Moscow, 1990, p. 132.

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origin 28 . No wonder a Gothic chieftain could have found a bride among the Alans.

Fulfilling his promise to Alaric, Ataulf brought strong reinforcements to Italy in the following year 409 (Zos, V. 45.5-6; 48.1; VI. 13.2). In the army of Ataulf, the sources call the Huns and Goths, but we can easily assume that there were also Alans in it, who were not always distinguished by ancient authors among the Huns or the same Goths. There is a testimony of Paulinus of Nolansky (Sag. XXVI. 11.22-27), that Alaric's troops plundering Italy in 409-410 included both Goths and Alans29. The degree of closeness between the Alans and the Goths was such that it was reflected in the terminology: Procopius of Caesarea calls the Alans a "Gothic tribe" (Proc. Bell. Vand. I. 3.1). The marriage alliance of Ataulf with an Alanian during his stay in Pannonia was, presumably, a military-political alliance of two tribes, which brought the Gothic leader the support of the Alanian detachments. For the time being, it suited both sides, but in the new situation that developed at the beginning of the siege of Vasata, Ataulf preferred an alliance with the Romans.

One can understand why Ataulf decided to get rid of his wife in the autumn of 414 and helped to reject the Alan part of the army that had become inconvenient for him. A few months earlier, he had married Galla Placidia, and now, in such a peculiar way - by sending her to the Romans - he was divorcing his first Barbarian wife, the mother of his children, one of whom was also given as hostages. Ataulf, which, however, is not confirmed by the text. Although in the course of negotiations with the Peacock, the Gothic king did declare this possibility (Euch. v. 357-363), in the end, a different decision was made - to reach an agreement with the city community, according to which the Peacock returns to the city, and the king remains in the camp. It is important to emphasize that two contracts were concluded under Vazat. One - on the peace of the Goths and Romans, supported by the surrender of the king's wife and son as hostages, and the release of Paulinus from Gothic captivity (Gothico salutatus ab hoste-v. 382) - was concluded in the name of the Gothic king, i.e. Ataulf. The second contract - on military service, with mutual conditions, is concluded by the Alans, having already moved to the city, on their own behalf (milite Alano / acceptaque dataque fide certare parato / pro nobis-v. 383-385; fidem pacis servare parati / Romanis-v. 397-398). In events related to the actions of the Alans (preparing the city for defense, taking the oath of allegiance), the king does not take any part. When the Alans left the city after the siege was lifted, Ataulf was already on his way to Spain.

Some important details of the breakup of the alliance of the Goths with the Alans, apparently, will remain forever unclear-this is the state of the sources. Some assumptions can be made on the basis of argumentum ex silentio. None of the authors who wrote about the bloody drama in Barcelona (the murder of Ataulf, then his children, the humiliation of Galla Placidia), does not mention Ataulf's first wife: apparently, their paths diverged completely after Vasat. But Ataulf, it turns out, carried six children from his first marriage with him. Was there a "beloved" son among them, given as a hostage to the townspeople of Vazat? Let us venture to assume that it is not. As it appears from the story of Pavlin, he, apparently, stayed with his mother and shared the fate of the Alan part of the army. What is it: Ataulf's divorce fee? The result of Galla Placidia's jealousy or her desire to spare her future son (Theodosius) from an opponent? In any case, Ataulf went to meet his ex-wife halfway, leaving her a son who was saved from the massacre in Barcelona.

It turns out that the Alani horde, which broke away from the Goths in 414, was cemented by loyalty to its tribeswoman, the first wife of Ataulf, who remained nameless.

28 Demougeot. Op. cit. P. 453: Athaulf, d'origine gothico-sarmate. See Philostorgius XII.4.1 (supra, note 24). On the connection of the Gothic name with the Sarmatians, see also Proc. Bell. Vand. I. 2.2.

29 Bachrach. A History of the Alans... p. 28. See ibid. (Not. 8) for a different (402) dating of the report of Pavlin Nolansky.

30 Ausonius I Transl. H. G. E. White. P. 335; Gasparov. Uk. op. p. 350.

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The primacy of a Gothic chieftain, then a king, was recognized only for the duration of the marriage. The status of the Alan wife of Ataulf in her tribe is not known, but she certainly came from a noble, if not royal, family. It is tempting to assume the preservation of the traditions inherited by the Alans from the "wife-ruled" Sauromats, but there is too little concrete evidence for this.

From event history to political history. Under Vazat, the interests of many people collided. Peacock sought to save himself and his loved ones, the townspeople wanted peace, Ataulf solved his matrimonial problems and clashed with the army, the Alans were looking for new allies after breaking with the Goths. But there was another side to this complex game that remained in the background, but ultimately determined the course of events - the Roman government. In the 410s, his policy in Gaul was carried out by the already known Constantius, the future husband of Placidia, who was returned from the Gothic captivity in 416, and co-ruler of Honorius in 421. His tasks were not easy: to oust the Goths to Spain to fight the vandals, to eliminate the rebellions of usurpers, to protect the local population from uncontrolled gangs of barbarians and from the actions of the "Bagaud" - peasants who have been waging a permanent struggle with landowners and authorities since the third century AD. e. It was impossible to cope with all the problems by the forces of a single Roman administration. A permanent military force was required and could be supplied by barbarian tribes loyal to Rome. In 418, Constantius recalled the Goths of Wallia, the federates of the Empire, from Spain and settled them in Aquitaine (Chron. Gall. a. 418), marking the beginning of the Visigothic kingdom 31 . It is quite possible that this practice was tested in the Alans as early as 414. It is unclear whether the Vasate authorities, who willingly agreed to the treaty with the Alans, had authority from Constantius. In any case, their actions were consistent with Roman policy at the time and could be confirmed by Honorius 32 .

Under what conditions was the treaty of 414 concluded on the military service of the Alans? Roman federates from barbarians had different status and different guarantees from the government 33 . In 412-414, the Goths in Gaul were located, according to indirect data (references to the Gothic hospites: Euch. v. 285-290), on the rights of standing (hospitalitas), without granting land ownership, receiving maintenance from the emperor (Honorius or Attalus) .34 In the case of the Alans in 414, there is some reason to assume a division of land with Roman owners. Paulinus reports that after the Goths left, " following their example, our allies mentioned above also left, ready to observe the treaty of peace with the Romans, wherever the division of the land found them "(Cuius, sero secuti / exemplum et nostri, quos diximus, auxiliares / dissedere, fidem pacis servace parati / Romanis, quoque ipsos sors oblata tulisset-Euch. v. 395-398) 35 . The word sors - "share" was common at that time

31 Thompson (The Settlement of Barbarians... p. 65 ff.) cites the threat of Bagaud revolts as the most important reason for the settlement of the Visigoths, and then the Alans and Burgundians in fifth-century Gaul. (Bachrach V. Another Look at the Barbarian Settlement in Sothern Gaul / / Traditio. 1969. 25. P. 354 ff. = Bachrach. Armies and Politics...).

32 Bachrach. Another Look... P. 355.

33 See Korostelin V. A. On the typology and classification of the Federate contractual relations of the Late Roman Empire with the Barbarians / / Power, man, society in the ancient world. Dokl. conf. 1996 and 1997, Moscow, 1997, pp. 295-303.

34 Berger A. The State of the Visigoths and the Fall of the Western Roman Empire. 1940. N 3.p. 102; Gratsiansky N. P. O razdelenii zemli u burgundov i u visigotovi [On the division of lands among the Burgundians and the Visigoths] / / Iz sotsial'no-ekonomicheskoi istorii zapadnoevropeyskogo srednevekovie [From the socio-economic history of the Western European Middle Ages]. Sb. st. Moscow, 1960. p. 318; Korsunsky A. R. Ob usloviyakh poseleniya Visigoths v Yuzhnoi Gallii i Espanyi] / / SV. 1964. Issue 25. p. 22; Oost. Op. cit. P. 123.

35 The "division of the earth" episode is not entirely clear. I follow the translation of Bahrah (Another Look ... P. 356. Not. 8): And not long after, our allies, whom we discussed above, departed, prepared to preserve the promise of peace made to the Romans, wherever the division of the land carried them. Other translators take the word "sors" in stk. 398 to mean "fate": wherever the chance which befell might have carried them (G. White)," wherever fate would have thrown them "(A. I. Malein)," wherever their path would then be directed by fate " (M. L. Gasparov). F. is inclined to the same opinion. Дан (Dahn. Op. cit. Bd. 6. 1885. S. 54. Anm. 2: 1st dies dap zuge falle Schicksal? oder die angebotene sors? Gewiв das Erstere).

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Figure 1. Alanian settlements in Southern Gaul according to toponymic data (according to: Bachrach. Another look... P. 355)

to indicate the land plot received by barbarians when dividing Roman lands (see Leg. Burg. LXXXIV. 1). There is no more reliable data on the character of the Alani settlement, except that we can try to draw as an analogue information about the settlement of other barbarians in Gaul: the Visigoths in 418, the Burgundians in 443, who usually received 2/3 of arable land, 1/2 of forest land, etc. from Roman landowners. 36

Where exactly are the Alans located? According to the text of Peacock's poem, they were assigned land not directly near Vasat, but at some distance. B. Bachrach lists a number of toponyms in Southern France with the root "Alan" as possible settlements of the Alans: Alancianus, Lanet, Alaigne (department of Aude), Alenya, Lanzas (Eastern Pyrenees), Alan (Haute-Garonne) (fig. 1) 37 . This placement of the Alans on the strategically important road leading from Spain through Narbonne Gaul to Italy and Illyricum could have been intended to deter the same Visigoths of Ataulf, then his successor Wallia, in the event of their action against the empire. V. B. Kovalevskaya, who continues her work on the study of Sarmatian-Alanian toponymy in France, significantly expands-although it is not always justified to create a list of toponyms associated with the Alans, due to the names of rivers, valleys, gorges, and mountains, including those with the Iranian bases " dan "(dan - "water"), " asp "(asp - "horse"), and "ir" (ir - the self-name of Alan -38 In addition to the toponymic data, there are other data on the existence of some settlements of the Alans in South-Eastern Gaul. Massilia rhetorician Claudius Marius

36 See Delbrueck G. Istoriya voennogo iskusstva v ramkakh politicheskoi istorii [History of military art in the framework of political history]. Vol. II. Germantsy. SPb., 1994. pp. 232-248; Bury. Op. cit. P. 206; Thompson. The Settlement of Barbarians... P. 66; Bachrach. A History of the Alans... P. 30.

37 Bachrach. The Alans in Gaul. P. 47980; idem. Another Look... P. 355-356; idem. A History of the Alans... P. 32.

38 Kovalevskaya Street. Alans in Western Europe ... p. 57 cf., maps on p. 50, 52, 53; it is the same. Archaeological culture-practice, Theory, computer, Moscow, 1995, pp. 130-131. Табл. 10. Рис. 26. 27; Kovalevskaja V. La presence alano-sarmate en Gaule: confrontation des donnees archeologiques, paleoanthropologiques, historiques et toponymiques // L' armee remain et les barbares du IIIe au Vile siecle. Rouen, 1993. P. 209- 222. It must be said that such a wide use of toponymic data to prove the presence of Alans in all these places raises legitimate doubts among a number of researchers who find Celtic parallels for many of these names (Thompson E. A. Rec.: Bachrach B. S. A History of the Alans in the West. Minneapolis, 1973 // JRS. 1975. 85. P. 205; Stock. Op. cit. S. 855 ff.; Eiton N. Rec.: Vallet F., Kazanski M. (eds.). L'armee romain et les barbares du IIIe au Vile siecle. Rouen, 1993 // JRS. 1994. 84. P. 284). Of course, the methodology for studying toponymic data should be improved, but the search itself seems to be moving in the right direction.

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Victor wrote about the religious practices of the pagan Alans around 425 (Alethia. v. 192), probably his close neighbors. In 440, on the initiative of the de facto ruler of the empire, Aetius, a new settlement appears, not so far from the area of the alleged habitation of the Alans of 414, founded, as Bahrah thinks, by them .39 "The vacant lands (agri deserti) of the city of Valentia were given to the Alans in order to divide them among themselves "(Prosp. Tiro. Epit. Chron. a. 440; Chron. Gall. a. 440). The Gallic Chronicle calls Sambida the king of the Valentinian group of Alans. As possible locations for a settlement, Bachrach points to the geographical localities of Allan, Alanson, Alenson (Drome department) south of Balance (formerly Valentia) in the lower Rhone 40 . The nature of settlement in "empty" (and deserted?)areas. The Alans ' long stay in the neighboring area may be one of them, so that their adaptation was relatively painless.

THE BREAK OF ALAN-GOTHIAN ALLIANCE AT BAZAS, AD 414 S.M. Perevalov

The article deals with the episode described in the autobiographical poem by Paulinus of Pella "Eucharisticus". In 414 the Roman town of Bazas in south- western Gaul was besieged by the army which consisted party of Goths and partly of Alans. After the negotiations between Paulinus and an anonimous barbarian king the peace was made. The king's first wife was taken hostage by the Romans with the king's son accompanying her. The Alanian part of the army went over to Bazas and prepared to defend the town against the Goths. The latter had to retire in haste. According to the agreement, the Alanian warriors were settled in southern Gaul as the allies of Rome (foederati). It the author's opinion, the barbarian leader was Visigothic king Ataulf (AD 410- 415), who married Galla Placidia, sister of Emperor Honorius, in January 414. At Bazas Ataulf devorced his former wife, Alanian by birth, leaving her for Bazas, and broke his alliance with the Alans, who followed their tribeswoman.

39 Bachach. A History of the Alans... P. 32; his opinion supports: Stock. Op. cit. S. 853.

40 Bachrach. The Alans in Gaul. P. 481; idem. A History of the Alans... P. 32; see also Thordarson F. Gallia Alanica / / Studia Iranica et Alanica. Festschrift for Prof. Vasilij Ivanovic Abaev in the Occasion of His 95th Birthday. Roma, 1998. P. 486.

41 Cf. the settlement of the Goara horde in the lands of "extreme (ulterior) Gaul" (i.e., near the ocean) in 441-442, when the Alans forcibly established themselves in the estates of Roman owners (Prosp. Tiro. Epit. Chron. a. 442; Chron. Gall. a. 442).

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