On March 18, 1871, the world learned about the creation of the first government in history, which set as its goal the political and economic liberation of the workers. In Paris, power passed to the Commune, whose press vividly and sharply propagated the revolutionary aspirations of the working people, defending their firm intention to transform the old society. An article published in the Commune's central newspaper, Le Journal officiel, stated that the Commune is "the end of the old regime, the end of militarism, bureaucracy, exploitation, the rush of monopolies and privileges, that is, everything to which the proletariat owes its slavery and the motherland its misery and suffering." 1
The Communards initially believed in the peaceful development of the revolution. They naively hoped that the elections that would "legitimize" revolutionary power would persuade the class enemies to recognize red Paris as having the right to "govern itself" and set an example for the whole of France. Member of the Yu Commune Lacquet noted that Paris "did not present the appearance of a besieged city, that life was in full swing, everywhere crowds of people of all classes, full of gaiety and carelessness, singing, music, jubilation"2 . Another participant in the revolution, M. Inard, recalled that "the proclamations of the Commune, posted on all the intersections of Paris, had a lot of nobility and calm dignity, but few calls for an offensive against the enemy." 3 This peaceful attitude was then reflected not only in the official documents of the Commune, but also in the articles of its newspapers. On their pages, the calls to "reforge swords into plowshares"were persistently repeated.

The lack of a mature proletarian party and the insufficient spread of Marxism among the French Socialists prevented the Communards from freeing themselves from disastrous illusions. 4 It is, of course, impossible not to attach importance to the fact that the communards actively promoted their peaceful sentiments in order to more effectively expose the aggressive intentions of the reactionaries who fled to Versailles, whose plans were at first carefully disguised. The Versailles press reported that the Parisian workers were "in favor of a war without end", hoping to constantly receive money for participating in the national Guard. The same newspapers put into circulation a false version that the Communards are waging a civil war in the hands of foreign powers.

Both for these reasons and simply deluding themselves, the Communards at first avoided speaking and writing publicly about the civil war. This continued until the armed struggle took obvious forms. Only after the bombardment of Paris by the Versailles artillery (April 2) did the communards publicly admit: "The revolution really cannot do without civil war. All that is required is for real revolutionaries to lead it. " 5 From this point on, the role of newspapers in the armed defense of the revolution is significantly intensified. Their tasks are discussed at Commune meetings. A member of one of the commissions, F. Cournet, spoke about the urgent need of the Commune to have, in addition to the newspaper "Le Journal officiel", and other periodicals-

1 "Minutes of the meetings of the Paris Commune", vol. I. M. 1959, pp. 220-221.

2 Yu. Lake. Memoirs of a member of the Paris Commune. Krasnaya Niva, 1925, No. 11, p. 246.

3 Inar city. My Memoirs of the Commune of 1871 "Molodaya Gvardiya", 1932, N 4, p. 112.

4 For more information, see: A. Z. Manfred. Revolutionary Government of the Central Committee of the National Guard. "The History of the Paris Commune of 1871", Moscow, 1971, pp. 237-246.

5 "La Montagne", 10.IV.1871.

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These publications are "capable of stimulating the enthusiasm of the masses and their fighting spirit, for the Commune will perish if its defenders do not support it with all their fervor and passion."6
The terrible reality forced the leaders of the Commune to work closely to transform the "army of the revolution" into a force capable of waging a real struggle. By arming the broad masses of the working people, the Commune laid the foundation for such an army, and the revolutionary newspapers actively assisted it in this transformation. This role was favored by the fact that many publicists collaborated not only in the press, but also in the military apparatus of the Commune. The poet and journalist J.-B. Clement of the newspaper "Le Cri du peuple" ("The Cry of the people") and P. Vezinier of the newspaper"Paris libre" ("Free Paris") were at the same time representatives of the Commune for the supply of the army and showed great organizational abilities in this field. The military and journalistic activities of a number of communards have long been closely intertwined. It should be remembered that even during the uprisings of October 31, 1870 and January 22, 1871, the attackers were those who had just worked on articles the day before, preparing them for the next issue of the newspaper. During the Commune, this tradition grew stronger and became a matter of national importance.

Such popular publications of the Commune as the newspaper of G. Maroto "La Montagne" ("The Mountain"), the newspaper of the publicist and writer J. Maroto wrote about the tasks of arming the people and defending Paris. Wallace's " Le Cri du peuple "and the especially sharp-edged newspaper" Le Pere Duchene "("Father Duchene"). The revolutionary press saw it as its duty to stir up and mobilize the whole of Paris to defend the ideals of the Commune, to prevent the citizens from falling into the quagmire of philistine sentiment (and this was precisely what the Versailles propaganda was betting on). It is known that in Paris there lived the propertied and other sections of the population who hated the Commune or were indifferent to it. There were many people among the petty bourgeoisie who wanted to take advantage of the best fruits of the revolution, but were not at all eager to share in the Commune's concerns and participate in consolidating the revolutionary gains. "Act, citizens of the Commune," the newspapers urged, "make everyone do their duty"; "Let the Commune treat without leniency those who think they are Republicans just because they have put on a uniform." 7 The commune adopted a decree "on the general rise" - compulsory military service. Approving it, the same newspaper wrote:: "We were very pleased with the decision of Cluseret (the military delegate of the Commune ), who called all bachelors under arms... Paris is under threat, and it must defend itself. Clusere is a thousand times right in declaring a general upsurge. " 8 But the decree of April 5 did not completely solve the problem. Outside the National Guard, Parisians over the age of 40 remained, including the most persistent revolutionary cadres who had received training and military training during the revolution of 1848 .9 There were also omissions in the decree. For example, in the article "Mass Upsurge", the newspaper "Le Cri du peuple" noted that the decree does not say anything about attracting religious servants to the army, who, taking advantage of the leniency of the Commune, avoid military service. The newspaper "La Revolution politique et sociale" ("Political and Social Revolution"), on behalf of the Vigilance Committee, insisted that employees of railways and administrative institutions must be enlisted in the National Guard.

However, the decree was not always implemented. Newspapers brought to the Commune's attention the facts of sabotage. The press received such signals in the letters of the working people, in the resolutions adopted by proletarian clubs and other mass organizations that were active in revolutionary Paris. Ordinary communards were outraged by the fact that shopkeepers and people without specific occupations evaded military service. Le Federaliste newspapers (Federalist)and Paris libre raised the issue of restricting travel from Paris, since free travel was heavily used by both deserters and Versailles spies. The generosity of the proletarians was doubled by the joy of the March victory, and for many of them the situation of Paris was precarious.-

6 E. Reclus. Commune de Paris аи jour le jour. P. 1908, p. 249.

7 "L?Action", 4, 6.IV.1871.

8 Ibid., 6.IV.1871.

9 For more information, see: S. Krasilnikov. Military actions of the Paris Commune in 1371, Moscow, 1935.

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it was placed in a pink light. Even the National guardsmen, who were specially authorized to control the departure from Paris, did not always show vigilance and more than once allowed enemies to escape. Thus, when the editor of the reactionary newspaper Paris-Journal, A. de Pen, who had repeatedly slandered the Commune, decided to escape from Paris, it was not difficult for him to deceive the guardsman on duty, who did not even check his documents. Meanwhile, press reports calling on the Commune to restrict its right to leave Paris were delayed. Only on May 16, a few days before the invasion of Versailles, the Paris Hbre published a demand on behalf of the Saint-Severin Club to close the gates of Paris, and only on May 22, when the Versaillians had already entered Paris, Le Federaliste reported that on May 20 the sale of tickets to citizens under the age of 18 was stopped at Paris train stations 40 years old; "we are very sorry that the Commune did not implement this measure at least two weeks earlier." It was under the pressure of public opinion that the Commune issued a decree against desertion, and then its decision to organize military courts followed.

Many of the difficulties experienced by the Commune at that time were due to the novelty of its tasks. Thus, it faced, in particular, the problem of using the revolutionary energy and initiative of the masses in combination with the rules of military operations that followed from what classical military science prescribed. The question of discipline in the ranks of the army, of subordination of the rank-and-file to the commanders chosen by the National Guards themselves, arose differently than before. "If the elections are carried out consciously," one newspaper wrote, " then the National guardsmen must trust their elected representatives... An undisciplined unit can eventually turn into a band of robbers. " 10 While addressing the National Guard, the press of the Commune did not forget to educate the citizens of Paris in the spirit of strengthening its defense capabilities. This task was also important because defense measures sometimes worsened the functioning of public services, disrupted the usual rhythm of life in a large city, and could cause discontent among a part of the population.

The unquestionable merit of the Commune press is its attention to the use of various types of weapons. The newspaper "La Commune", for example, advised the introduction of gunboats on the Seine, and this proposal was used. The newspaper P. Grousset " L'affranchi "("Liberated") demanded to adopt armored cars, which were already used during the Franco-Prussian War. The newspapers "La Montagne", "Le Cri du peuple" and others informed the Commune about the stocks of weapons abandoned by the army during the flight to Versailles, and noted the inventors of new weapons. Thus, it was written about a mechanic from Batignolles, who asked the Commune to quickly test an improved projectile, and the newspaper hurried the war Ministry to respond to his proposal. Newspapers have repeatedly criticized the military department of the Commune for its lack of efficiency. For example, Cluseret was reproached for the fact that the gunners constantly had to take care of the delivery of ammunition on their own; complaints were made about the quartermaster's activities, and his lack of initiative was removed from office; the press was outraged by the fact that Neuilly "sends guns without ammunition", and as a result, instead of firing artillery, " national Guards they are forced to make a bayonet charge. " 11
As already noted in studies on the Commune, an important role in the production of weapons belonged to workers ' associations. Foundry workers have created an association for the manufacture of projectiles. Through the newspaper "La Revolution politique et sociale", they called on all Parisians involved in the production of weapons to show high consciousness and redouble their efforts. The commune generally fostered the ideological conviction and fighting spirit of the defenders of the revolution. "You can't fight without loving what you're defending, "La Montagne concluded. The newspaper La Nouvelle Republique (New Republic) emphasized that although the Parisians have only "five hundred guns and a minimum of ammunition", the Commune army "knows what it wants"; now "two worlds are facing each other: on the one hand, the world of the past, injustice and privilege, and on the other, the world of the past, injustice and privilege." on the other hand, the world of the future, the world of equality ... Pa-

10 Cit. by: N. M. Lukin. Izbrannye trudy [Selected Works], vol. 3, Moscow, 1963, p. 194,

11 "L'Affranchi", 22.IV.1871; "Le Cri du peuple", 10, 12, 23.IV.1871.

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riga represents this new world"; in the revolutionary newspapers there are memorable words about the lofty goal of the National Guard: "The main thing is to save the republic". The press expressed its confidence that "the glorious Federates know that France hopes for them, and therefore, despite the fury of its enemies, Paris stands firmly in defense of the republic's conquests." 12
At that time, however, the great significance of the Paris Commune's cause was not clear to all advanced people, nor was it recognized or promoted by them. This circumstance is partly explained in the circumstances when the French province did not support the communards as actively as it was necessary. But, although "a considerable number of workers in other cities fought against them in the White Guard troops and suppressed the Parisian workers. This did not prevent the class - conscious socialists from asserting that the Paris communards represent the entire proletariat, i.e., everything that is best and honest,"13 Lenin wrote. Undoubtedly, the propaganda of the cause of the Commune was of no small importance in exposing the lies in the Versailles press, which influenced certain strata of the urban petty bourgeoisie and peasantry.

Parisian newspapers often emphasized the Commune's internationalism. Its clear example and practical implementation was the participation of foreign citizens in the Commune. The Versailles propaganda was not slow in slandering the brave sons and daughters of the international proletariat: they sought to portray them as foreign agents and, of course (like all communards), criminals, "scum of society." But not a single conscious person succumbed to slander. And the Communards themselves - Belgians and Italians, Poles and Russians-said and wrote that in the ranks of the Commune they were fighting not only for the freedom of France, but also for the liberation of their homeland. In the hearts of the foreign participants of the Commune, the hope of the victory of the workers ' republic on a global scale was growing. "Good morning, freedom! Good morning, revolution! The proletariat is rising... His victory will be a triumph for his classmates all over the world, " wrote one of the 14 newspapers . The commune adopted and implemented a decree to overthrow the Column of Vendome, that "monument to militarism and wars of conquest," as it was called in the revolutionary press. The Communards declared that they would no longer allow monuments to be erected in Paris to celebrate the wars of conquest. The communards assured that they would never violate the sovereignty of other countries.

For the working people of Paris in those days, the news of the support of the proletariat abroad for their struggle was of great mobilising importance. Using every opportunity, sometimes through proxies, more often from information in provincial newspapers that could use the post office and telegraph, the press of the Commune extracted information about meetings, meetings and other actions in defense of the March Revolution on the part of the working class in Germany, England, Italy, Belgium and other countries. These publications inspired the courage and perseverance of the communards. The Paris press attached great importance to the education of heroism among the masses. The revolutionaries were very proud of the Commune Government, whose members set an example of bravery and dedication. "Every day the members of the Commune go to the outposts and fight like ordinary soldiers," the newspapers noted; "during the whole day, 10 members of the Commune, delegated by it to the outposts, were there where the battle unfolded; they inspired the defenders of the Commune, supported their fighting spirit." 15 among them was the newspaperman J. -B. Clement, who delivered a fiery speech addressed to the soldiers of the Champ-de-Mars 16 .

The press paid tribute to the best military leaders of the Commune and the commanders of the National Guard. The communards spoke warmly and gratefully about Y. Dombrovsky: they noted the victories won by the National Guard under his leadership, emphasized the trust and infinite respect of the soldiers for their general for his fearlessness, modesty, care for people, and readiness for self-sacrifice-

12 "La Nouvelle Republique", 23.11.1871; "Paris libre", 18.IV.1871.

13 V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 38, p. 10.

14 "La Revolution politique et sociale", 2.IV.1871.

15 "La Montagne", 23.IV.1871; "L'Affranchi", 5.IV.1871.

16 "Le Cri du Peuple", 9.IV.1871.

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Several articles were devoted to G. Flourens, a brave commander who died on April 4 during the campaign to Versailles. The newspapers wrote with approval of the courage of E. F. D. Ed, who led the defense of Fort Issy 17 . It was noted that those who came to the Commune, driven by ambition or other selfish motives, had already taken off their red scarves, this symbol of belonging to the revolutionary cohort. With the Commune remained the most persistent leaders, ready to fight to the end and die for the high ideals of the working people .18
The newspapers were alarmed by the change in the military leadership of the Commune, in particular the resignation of G. P. Klusere, who had made a number of mistakes, and then L. N. Rossel from the post of military delegate. Studies on this subject have already pointed out that Rossel's resignation excited the newspapers more than the fall of Fort Issy, which was blamed on the military delegate .19 The revolutionary newspapers exposed the lies and slanders of the reaction against the Communists who were loyal to the people. The lie took on unprecedented proportions. The reactionary press attributed everything to the military specialists of the Commune: treason to the motherland and participation in criminal offenses, incompetence and self-interest. This slander was intended to undermine the faith of the defenders of Paris in their leaders, to disorganize the ranks of the revolutionary army. Under these circumstances, it was necessary to tirelessly defend the good name of those who led the National Guard in the decisive battle.

Every day of the Commune's struggle was marked by the courage and heroism of ordinary communards. Their resilience was truly unsurpassed. Paris, which was "bleeding", remained a city that was inspired by the "inspired consciousness of its historical initiative" 20 . The Communards went to battle, by their own admission, as if for a holiday. The revolutionary newspapers called on readers to write about the courage and fortitude shown in defending the Commune. And the soldiers willingly responded to the call of the newspapers. In all the previous history of the press, the working people and ordinary soldiers have never been approached with such an honorable offer. And this prompted I. to take up the pen.workers, and National guardsmen. "Le Cri du peuple" by J. Valles placed such letters in a specially designated section, in a prominent place of the newspaper strip.

The feat of the Communards was truly massive. The newspapers paid special attention to the National Guards stationed in the most important areas of defense - in Neuilly and Vanve, Asnieres and Issy. In Fort Issy, wrote "L'affranchi", the guards set up a battery directly under enemy fire. Lieutenant Regnard especially distinguished himself, showing self-control, efficiency and courage. The next day, the same newspaper reported that the Guards had built a fortification in Asnieres under direct fire, and some of the soldiers had died bravely. Bourgeois eye-witnesses and bourgeois historians have more than once noted with surprise, sometimes sincere and sometimes feigned, the unprecedented courage of the Communards. "Why do men become braver in civil wars, why are those who have fled before the Prussians able to die heroically at the hands of their fellow citizens?" - the writer E. Goncourt asked and gave the answer: the reason is that "in the current war, the people themselves run the military kitchen, they manage it themselves"; therefore, the fighters "do not tire, do not discourage. Anything can be achieved from them, even heroism. " 21
In the most terrible days of the revolution, it was not only men who responded to the call of the Commune, but whole families were under arms. This unprecedented fact was especially noted by the revolutionary press as a vivid and convincing proof that the cause of the Commune is a national one. "We will take our wives and children with us; ...there will always be enough defenders left behind the mountain of corpses, " 22 the privates wrote

17 "La Montagne", 9.IV.1871; "Le Cri du Peuple", 6.IV.1871; "L'Affranchi", 11.IV.1871

18 "La Montagne", 9, 11.IV.1871.

19 A. I. Molok. Military organization of the Paris Commune and delegate Rossel. The Marxist Historian, 1928, No. 7, p. 145.

20 K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 17, p. 353.

21 E. and J. de Goncourt. Diaries. Notes on literary life. Vol. II M 19G4, p. 125.

22 "Le Cri du peuple", 5.IV.1871.

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communards. Along with the adults, not conceding to them in bravery, teenagers fought. The newspaper "L'estafette" ("Relay") told about a young man who stood at the post for 10 days in a row. An enemy shell caught up with him, and this citizen of the Commune fell with a cry of " Long live the Republic!" In one of the battalions, a certain Gavroche volunteered to check if the nearest barricade was occupied by the Versaillians. He jumped up on the fortification and found the enemy there. He shouted at his comrades with all his might: "Don't come any closer! I'm captured!" The courage of the boy who died saved the lives of the National guardsmen, who could have been shot at point-blank range 23 .

Women joined the defenders of the Commune. Citizen Lachaise of the 36th battalion was widely applauded. "We are happy to announce this to her," wrote the fighters who knew her. "For three days in a row, this brave daughter of the people fearlessly participates in battles and helps the wounded. She is both a fighter and a nurse. " 24 The support of many women for the Commune spoke of their ideological conviction and dedication to revolutionary ideals. In those days, the women of Paris were concerned with many different questions: will pensions be awarded for the dead National guardsmen? Will the poor be given things from the pawnshop? Will they provide housing to those who are huddled in basements or have lost their homes due to the shelling of Paris by Versailles artillery? Will nuns be removed from orphanages and schools? But at the end of April, and especially in May, the discussion of the overall role of women in the defense of Paris came to the fore both in meetings and in the press. The revolutionary press helped them find concrete forms of participation in the defense of the revolution. Through the newspapers, there was a suggestion that women should serve camp kitchens and sew uniforms for National Guard soldiers. The commune encouraged women to join the sanitary battalions. The press reported the addresses of points where the registration of women volunteers in the ranks of the Guards began.

Supporting the decisions of the Commune, the women wrote that "their lives belong entirely to the revolution; that they will bind up their wounds, and if necessary, they will take a gun." 25 The press published the charter of the " Union of Women for the Defense of Paris and assistance to the Wounded, which detailed the tasks of women. The best journalists of the Commune did not ignore this question. Among them was the socialist journalist Andre Leo. She wrote of the great moral significance of women's participation in the National Guard: "When daughters, wives, and mothers fight alongside their sons, husbands, and fathers, then Paris will be united in its passion for freedom."26 . Leo helped the women of Montmartre to write a letter to the newspaper, in which they testified to their loyalty to the revolution and expressed their desire to confirm it with action. In an article entitled "All with all", Leo argued that the patriotism of the Commune's citizens was completely opposed to the nationalistic feelings that the National Defense Government tried to arouse in women during the Franco-Prussian war.

The voice of the same Leo sounded in defense of women, when the facts of their suspension from participation in the National Guard became known. Leo appealed to the command, proving its delusion, and referred to the example of ordinary soldiers who gratefully accepted the help of Parisian women. With encouraging words, humor, and the ability to endure difficulties without complaint, women supported the defenders of the Commune. And in this case, she supported the newspaper's speech, and the military delegate Rossel asked Leo to elaborate on the plan for women's participation in the defense of the city .27 Several revolutionary newspapers, including the central ones Le Journal officiel, Le Vengeur (The Avenger), Le Rege Duchene, and especially La Sodale (The Public) and Le Cri du peuple, helped to rally women.

Sometimes conciliatory sentiments penetrated the Commune's newspapers. So, in April, Le Cri du peuple published a call to unite women of "all classes" and to appease the warring parties. However, soon he also strongly supported the Parisian women as a "fighting squad": "Naive is the one who considers himself disinterested.

23 "L'Estafette", 23.IV.1871.

24 "Le Cri du peuple", 8.IV.1871.

25 "La Sociate", 25.IV.1871; "Le Cri du peuple". 26.IV. 1871.

26 "La Sociale", 12.IV.1871.

27 "La Sociale", 9.V. 1871.

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Anyone who wants to be neutral is a criminal. " 28 " Citizens! The challenge is over! We must win or die!" - the newspapers called, explaining that for women there is only one way to save their children, brothers and husbands - active participation in the defense of the Commune. The feat of the Parisian women made a great impression on foreign eyewitnesses. Foreign correspondents published a number of reports about the women of revolutionary Paris in those days. And the Commune's press reprinted this information. With reference to The Times of London, the newspaper La Montagne, for example, reported that in Fort Issy, one of the hottest points of defense, citizen Ed, the wife of a Commune general, is fighting. A foreign correspondent noted her coolness in battle, bravery, sharpness of eye, and dedication to the cause of the revolution .29 The emotional impact of such materials was very significant.

The press of the Commune was not alone in promoting glorious deeds. The names of the heroes were listed in 30 posters, which were often published more quickly than newspapers. The commune also passed a decree on the introduction of honorary books in each city hall, in which the names of citizens who distinguished themselves in the battles for the republic and freedom were to be entered. The press of the Commune played a significant organizing role in the days of preparation for the barricade battles. The Communards had high hopes for the fortifications being built inside the city, as the experience of previous revolutionary battles had shown their effectiveness. Let us recall that, analyzing the situation that was initially developing, F. Engels also believed that if the Versailles army "succeeds in taking the rampart, then there are barricades behind it, on which there will be a struggle such as has never happened before" 31. The same idea was repeated more than once by revolutionary newspapers, instilling in Parisians an understanding of the importance and necessity of armed resistance to the enemy on the streets of the city.

Most of the 600 barricades were erected by the Communards when the Versaillese were already in Paris itself. However, their construction began in April. It was constantly in the field of view of the revolutionary press. Some newspapers gave this chronicle a special place, discussed various projects of barricades, covered the activities of the Barricade Commission and the participation of the population in construction, listed materials suitable for business. "Cobblestones can be used to build barricades," wrote L'affranchi. "But we must not forget that stones should be carefully covered with layers of earth, otherwise when firing at barricades, fragments of cobblestones will cause a lot of damage." La Montagne recommended interspersing layers of cobblestone with sandbags. Another newspaper advised that all the pavements should be dismantled, so that the fragments of enemy shells would be less dangerous, and the cobblestones would be useful in battle .32
On May 16, the proletarian clubs of Paris issued an appeal through the newspapers to complete the construction of the barricades in two days, because the assault on Paris by the Versaillese was expected in the coming days. People from young to old took to the streets of the capital. Random passers-by were stopped with an insistent question: "Where is your cobblestone, citizen?" The newspapers vividly described the enthusiasm of the barricade builders. When the reactionary troops stormed into Paris, the newspapers issued a single appeal: "To the barricades!" This slogan was printed in the largest type that was available in printing houses, so that newspapers then looked more like posters.

Publicists of the Commune generally made great efforts to accurately, promptly and in detail inform the population about the situation of the city in a difficult situation. From the very first days of its existence, the Revolutionary Government attached great importance to publicizing and explaining its intentions, decisions, and actions. This desire for the active use of the press continued until the end of the Commune and the Soviet Union.-

28 "Le Cri du peuple". 2.V.1871.

29 "La Montagne", 17.IV.1871.

30 See about them: S. M. Manevich. Say the walls of Paris. (Political posters of the Paris Commune) "New and recent History", 1976, N 2.

31 K. Marxif. Engels, Soch. Vol. 17, p. 628.

32 "L'Affranchi", 14.IV.1971; "La Montagne", 1.IV.1871. On the use of the barricade experience of 1871 by the Bolsheviks in the tactics of street fighting, see V. A. Dunaevsky and V. I. Lenin and the military experience of the Paris Commune. (On the Russian translation of Clusere's memoirs). "Class Struggle and the modern world". (Working Class and mass general democratic movements), Moscow, 1971.

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in order to promote facts that are not only positive, but also unfavorable. In such cases, the revolutionary press helped prevent the influence of the Versailles press. The following episode is characteristic, which took place at a Commune meeting that took place after the tragic events at Fort Moulin-Sac. It became known that the garrison of the fort was betrayed, captured and brutally destroyed. On learning of what had happened, the Commune secretary, S. Amourou (the press commissioner), began to insist on the need to inform the Parisians of what had happened and inform them of the special conclusions made by the Commune. He believed that only a few details should be omitted, the publication of which could harm the cause of defense .33
Reading the Paris newspapers of the spring of 1871, one can come to the conclusion that glasnost in some cases turned against the Commune itself, for example, when the newspapers published information about the stocks of weapons, about new means of defense. It is no coincidence that on May 1, the military delegate Rossel issued an order prohibiting the publication of data on the armed forces of Paris. At the same time, it is fair to speak of the sense of high responsibility that guided revolutionary publicists and newspaper editors during the civil war: "Guns are rattling, blood is spilling... In such a situation, any mistake, any delusion is tantamount to a crime,"wrote the newspaper" Friend of the People". - We are personally responsible for everything... For the sake of unity, we must keep EACH other informed of all our thoughts and moods."34 In the terrible days of May, those who were at the helm of the revolutionary government found the strength to organize the publication of new periodicals, despite the extreme preoccupation with defense and extreme physical fatigue. Newspapers such as "Le Tribune du peuple" ("People's Tribune", May 17)appeared, "Le Federaliste "(May 21).

During combat days, the journalistic skills of both professional journalists and newspaper recruits - working correspondents-were improved. "Today, not with a pen, but with bayonets, a wonderful history of the rebellious and victorious Paris is being written. Let the guns have their say! Let the soldiers of Fort Issy and Anier edit our republican newspaper!" - it was reported on the press pages 35 . Some of the newspapers consisted almost entirely of short information, letters from soldiers, reports from commanders. The first page contained particularly important messages. The categories emphasized the speed of information and the significance of the reported news. The chronicle of the battle was published under the headlines "In the last hour", "Breaking news", "Battles". Correspondents of the revolutionary publications were on the hottest sections of the front. "Every day," one newspaper wrote, " we will print as complete and accurate reports of the battles as possible. We have established correspondent posts along the entire line. " 36 One of the leading mouthpieces of defense, La Montagne, has mobilized ten of its correspondents to the front line. On April 17, speaking of the Versailles attack, the newspaper Le Bonnet rouge (Red Cap) announced that it would give a more detailed report in the next issue, when it received information from reporters sent to the place where the battle was taking place. Le Cri du peuple periodically received correspondence from A. Verlet, an editorial staff member who was elected commander of the 192nd battalion. On 16 May, Le Salut public received reports from correspondents who had visited the fortifications from Vanves to Saint-Ouen. It was from the pages of this newspaper that the Commune's last words were heard: "Citizens! Treachery opened the door to the enemy. He's in Paris!.. The hour of the great battle has come!"

The will to win, loyalty to the Commune to the last breath united the defenders of Paris. This attitude was reflected in the revolutionary press-in articles and in small notes written, as a rule, in energetic language, with fervor and inspiration. The enemies of the Commune have often said that its newspapers published only "cheery" articles, the tone of which remained unchanged regardless of the circumstances. In fact, when reading revolutionary newspapers, one often comes across mournful lines about the losses suffered, about the fallen comrades, about failures. However, it is a fact that louder than the grief for the fallen were the words of deep confidence in the triumph of the ideals of the Commune, the hope that it did not live and fight in vain! The very defeat of the Com-

33 "Minutes of meetings of the Paris Commune", T. P. M. 1960, p. 192.

34 "L'Ami du peuple", 3.IV.1871.

35 "Le Cri du peuple", 18.IV.1871.

36 "Le Salut public", 9.IV.1871.

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in the general course and outcome of the proletarian struggle, Lenin noted, it was immeasurably "a lesser evil than renouncing the position taken, surrendering without a fight: such a surrender would demoralize the proletariat, would cut off its ability to fight."37
The commune was crushed, but its message continued to inspire those who languished in prison and exile. The executioners of the revolution raided printing houses and bookstores to destroy everything that carried a dangerous charge of ideas that raised the working class to battle. They were afraid of any sympathetic word about the Commune, and confiscated even the bourgeois newspapers that got into the prisoners ' homes. "If they found a newspaper in a communard's house," S. Mayer, a participant in the revolution, recalled,"they would appoint a punishment cell or a whip." 38 Deprived of the opportunity to communicate with their comrades, slandered, and in the most difficult conditions of imprisonment, the communards said to themselves:: "And yet we have seen the face of the future!" They believed in the prophetic words spoken from the pages of one of the Commune's newspapers: "We will be a hundred, two hundred thousand, then millions." 39 Even today, the inspired word of the Commune and the experience of its press still carry their historical mission.

37 V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 26, p. 81.

38 p. Mayer. In New Caledonia, L. 1926, pp. 32-33.

39 "Le Cri du peuple", 5.IV.1871.

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