This article deals with the concept of religious identity through the analysis of two criteria: self-identification (Do you consider yourself a believer?) and regularity of Church attendance (Do you visit Church, and if yes, then how often?). This analysis is used to construct the scale of religious path from irreligion to faith. The data of the phone survey is presented through the methodology of mix research, when the statistical data is supplemented with the detailed analysis of transcripts and peculiarities of communication between questioner and respondent.

Keywords: analysis of the standardized interview, attachment to the Church, Metropolitanate of Ivanovo, index of religious mobility, index of religious indifference, aged people, religious identity, sociology of religion, phone survey.

I remember that on the first morning after reading the Gospel, I went out and looked around me in amazement at all the people who were walking along the street, hurrying to catch the train, to work, and thought: What a miracle! They may not know that they are indiscriminately loved by God, but I know that, and they can no longer be my enemies...

Anthony Sourozhsky "Conversations about Faith and the Church"

By the decision of the Holy Synod on June 7, 2012, the Ivanovo Metropolitanate was established, consisting of three dioceses: in the west of the region, Shuya and Teykovskaya, in the center of Ivanovo-Voznesenskaya and Vichugovskaya, and finally in the east, Kineshem and Palekh (Fig. 1).

page 220

Figure 1. Borders of the Ivanovo Metropolitan Area

The main reason for the separation of three new dioceses from the Ivanovo-Voznesenskaya diocese (which coincides with the Ivanovo region in terms of territorial division) is too large territory and the remoteness of some localities, where the development of parish life is difficult from one center. When forming the three dioceses, the proportions of population density and territorial integrity are taken into account. At the same time, it is interesting to see how homogeneous the contingent of believers is. How much do their socio-demographic characteristics differ? Is it possible to detect any distinctive features of parishes in the three newly formed dioceses?

Traditionally, the older age cohort is more active in church and parish life, especially in rural, economically deprived areas. Regardless of faiths

Argyle M. 1. Religious behavior. New York: Routledge, 1958. P. 48 - 49; Dauie G., Vincent J. Religion and Old Age //Ageing and Society. 1998. Vol. 18. No. 1. P. 101 - 102.

page 221
religiosity is more often manifested in people who experience one or another deprivation from society. In addition to the elderly, L. Powell, L. Shahabi, and K. Thoresen single out national minorities, women, the low-educated population, disabled people, and people with poor health as the most inclined to religious service. 2 J. Vincent sees the main problem of old age in its social construction as a period of illness and deprivation, which leads to stigmatization in the modern world and the deprivation of elderly people and, in the logic of foreign colleagues, their involvement in religious activity. The hypothesis of uniformity and social integrity of the newly formed dioceses can be tested on the older age group, which is crucial for the religious worldview.

Selection

At the end of May 2012, the Ladoga Charitable Foundation, together with the Social Validation Academy of Sciences, the Center for Federal Research Methodology of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the State Duma under the President of the Russian Federation, and the Qualitas Institute of Public Opinion conducted a telephone survey of residents of the Ivanovo Region over the age of 50. A total of 1,200 people were surveyed using a random two-core sample of mobile and landline phones, which made it possible to include rural settlements remote from district centers and significantly expand the territorial coverage of respondents. The sample is based on the ABC and DEF ranges of phone numbers used in the Ivanovo Region published on the official website of Rossvyaz. ABC ranges include geographically linked numbers (landline phones, including apartment phones), while numbers from DEF ranges are not geographically linked (mobile numbers). The number of numbers selected in the range is directly proportional to the share of the range in the total number of numbers allocated to the corresponding area (the volume of the range). The selection of numbers from the ranges was carried out randomly using systematic selection with a step equal to the ratio of the range volume to the number of selected numbers in the range

Powell L.H., Shahabi L., Thoresen C. E. 2. Religion and Spirituality: Linkages to Physical Health//American Psychologist. 2003. Vol. 58. No. 1. P. 38.

Vincent J. Old Age. 3. New York: Routlegde, 2003. P. 131, 138, 167.

page 222
phone numbers. With this method of selection, each phone number from all DEF or ABC ranges has an equal probability of being selected.

No selection was made within the household, that is, the first family member over 50 who answered the phone and was willing to participate in a conversation about education was interviewed. If the phone was picked up by a respondent under the age of 50, they were asked if anyone older than the specified age lived with them and asked to pass the phone to them. If the person who met the sample criteria lived with a family but was not able to talk to them, the interviewer specified a convenient time for the conversation and, possibly, another phone number where you can directly contact the elderly person.

Data processing methodology

Data analysis is based on a mixed approach (mix research). On the one hand, we rely on the results of a quantitative survey. Strict wording and unambiguous closures make it possible to construct summary indicators, perform scaling and quantitative analysis. On the other hand, any standardized interview is only a special conversation format.4 Humans are not robots, and interviews are not a formal transfer of information. Respondents make judgments, wait for the interviewer to confirm their response, justify their estimates, and provide arguments both in defense and refutation of the words they just said. In other words, behind the distribution of responses and summary indicators, a lively, direct communication situation is hidden, the richness of meanings and experiences in which is sometimes not inferior to the most heartfelt conversation. Therefore, to completely ignore the situation of the conversation, to pretend that it is not essential for the interpretation of data, seems, if not complete methodological madness, then at least a gross methodological error.

When analyzing phone conversations, we rely on a special, phonetically oriented way of transcribing audio recordings. For example, laughter is encoded as a series of X's

Baker C. D. 4. Ethnomethodologcial Analysis of Interviews//Handbook of Interview Research: Context and Method/Ed. by J. F. Gubrium, J. A. Holstein. L.: Sage, 2002. P. 779.

page 223
in parentheses, and their number indicates the duration of laughter - (xxxxx) or (xx) - and uppercase or lowercase letters indicate the volume - (xxx) or (XXX); up arrows (↑) or down arrows (↓) indicate an increase or decrease in intonation; pauses, speech overlays, interruptions are encoded the other person's voice, accents, and intonation increase (for more information, see the app). Developed in the tradition of conversational analysis, it allows you to capture not only semantic constructions, but also nonverbal conversation techniques: laughter, sighs, pauses, superimposed utterances, speech interruptions, etc. Familiar from numerous publications, sterilized under the pressure of punctuation and spelling rules, the remarks of the interlocutors lose not only the uniqueness of colloquial speech, but also the accentuation of meanings. When the conversation turns to topics that are close and emotionally rich for the respondent, the content elements of the statements are inevitably lost if the researcher ignores the nonverbal side of communication.

Since the interview is based on a standardized questionnaire, the interviewer is focused on getting quick and concise answers. All the more important for us are the respondents ' justifications and comments on closed questions. Expanded replicas not only allow you to test the meaningfulness and importance of the questions posed, but also set reasonable boundaries for subsequent interpretations. It is interesting that the extended interpretation of questions is mainly characteristic of older people. They take a more responsible approach to the formulation of answers, often trying to show the interviewer the possible range of personal understanding. This creates some tension in communication. The interviewer may not always be able to choose an unambiguous answer that matches the proposed scale. But as a result, we get a saturation of the meanings of the calculated indicators.

Data analysis

Respondents were asked three questions related to religious topics: Do you consider yourself a religious person? Do you go to church? If so, how often? (Table 1). In international opinion polls, 5 different modifications of questions about religious self-identification and the frequency of religious self-identification are considered.-

5. See, for example, Gallup G. The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion 1995. Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 2005.

page 224
Temple visits are most common for assessing religious identity and measuring the reach of religious practices.

Table 1. Distribution of answers to questions about faith* % by column

questions

DIOCESES OF THE IVANOVO ARCHDIOCESE

IVANOVO

IVANO-VOZNESENSKAYA AND VICHUGSKAYA (WITHOUT MOUNTAINS. IVANOVO)

SHUISKAYA AND TEIKOVSKAYA STREETS

KINETE MEKAYA AND PALEKHSKAYA

total

Do you consider yourself a religious person?

Yes

70

78

81

82

76

No

30

22

19

18

24

Do you go to church? If so, how often?

Regularly to services

6

4

7

7

6

Mostly on holidays

53

54

56

51

53

I don't go to church

42

42

37

42

41

* The share of non-Orthodox population in the region does not exceed 2-3%, so in this study we do not consider the differences between Orthodoxy and other faiths.

The vast majority (76%) of residents of the Ivanovo region over the age of 50 consider themselves believers, but slightly less than half (41%) say that they do not go to church. From the distribution across the three dioceses, it is clear that there is no correlation between the place of residence and church attendance. At the same time, in the answers to the question about faith in the regional center, Ivanovo, the number of people claiming their own lack of faith is slightly higher: 30% against 24% on average in the Ivanovo region.

From the space of features of the three questions, it is possible to construct a typology of religious identity, in which the question of having faith sets the axis of religious identification, and coming to church-mobility (Fig. 2).

page 225

Figure 2. Typology of religious identity, % of respondents

The extreme negative position in the typology of religious identity is taken by people who answered both questions negatively (18%): they do not consider themselves believers and do not go to church. Regardless of their personal views and beliefs, at the moment they remain strangers to church life. However, their position is determined more by ignorance, remoteness from the Church, rather than rooted atheism. For the majority of Ivanovo residents, declared disbelief reflects search and doubt, and not a materialistic, spiritual-denying view of life. So, in the past, a teacher of Russian language and literature goes a long way from a direct answer to a question, at some point offering her own interpretation of faith: "I speak to God in a civil language when I need to" (fragment 1, line 5).

Fragment 1 6

Female, 7 2 years old, mountain. Kineshma

1. And: But do you consider yourself a believer (.) person

6. Hereafter, transcripts of interview excerpts are given using a special group of codes designed to convey emotional, intonational CCA.-

page 226
2. P: (3.0) How can I tell you (1.0) I am both a believer and a non-believer (1.0)

3. [when I get sick like: this is asking

4. And: [well, more to what

5. R: I speak to God in a civil language when I need to

6. ↓ only to be honest then jacques say< he probably respects me

7. Helps [it is only necessary for me to get sick That's how he went to bed

8. And: [well, you::

9. R: okay calm down I actually got drunk on raspberry tea

10. jam All recovered

11. And: well, you don't believe anymore=

12. P: =No=

13. And: =or you are at a loss to answer

14. R: you know that I don't like fanatics Here I have very

15. many:: pri-buddies (.) buddies buddies=

16. And: =uh-huh

17. R: at school ((worked as a Russian language teacher in secondary school

18. the school is 40 years old)) >well, at school there< here (.) Some of them are

19. well:: quite know e::: on this-in the field of well::

20. the divinities of to ↓ (.) have gone mad

21. And: [(xx) well

22. R: here [it's me: don't-don't welcome

23. And: [so you are::

24. R: well, believe and believe Please -

25. And: - well >do you believe< ↑ Yes

26. R: if you want to believe it, don't believe it=

27. And: =well, what do you think?

28. You believe more or find it difficult to answer < < / p>

30. R: (1.0) I just know what: (.) I think so Believe it or not

31. ↓ don't believe it if you want to -

32. And: well: here you are=

33. R: =I don't believe it

speech errors (see the appendix). Omission of the nonverbal component in an interview can lead to misinterpretations of what is said, shift the interpretation to the analyst's understanding. The developed system of codes allows, on the contrary, to capture the features of the statements of the interlocutors, to bring the written text closer to the elusive link of oral speech.

page 227
Only after recalling from her point of view the "god-mad" (fragment 1, line 10) colleagues at school and several polite but very persistent requests from the interviewer (lines 4, 8, 11, 13, 21,23, 25, 27 - 29, 32) she makes a clear choice - "I don't believe it" (line 33). Numerous pauses, introductory constructions, and updating of additional examples indicate that the respondent does not have a clear negative bias towards faith. She is more likely to belong to the group of "observers" who accept God in their hearts, but the current situation of the conversation and, perhaps, remembered episodes from her personal life push her to give a negative formulation. Such an "emergent", here and now, formation of a negative answer about the presence of faith is typical for the respondents of the older generation.

The most positive attitude towards the church is shown by those who answered positively to both questions: 6% of respondents consider themselves believers and regularly go to church (fragment 2).

Fragment 2

Male, 59 years old, der. Malyshevo, Nikolsky district

1. And: Do you consider yourself a " religious person

2. R: yes YES I am a deeply religious person

3. Q: Do you go to church if so, how often?=

4. P: =required

5. I go regularly: Regularly as much as I need to=

6. And: =uh-huh

7. R: according to ↓ canons 0 I go so much 0

Perhaps we have received a rough estimate of church-bound parishioners, who can be attributed to the type of parishioners who make a meaningful choice in the matter of faith.

The largest group of "fellow travelers" who consider themselves believers, but visit temples only occasionally, on holidays (49%) - For them, unlike "observers" and some "outsiders", the question of faith does not cause difficulties, but visiting temples is more likely associated with curiosity (fragment 3, lines 12-19), with a desire to see new things, rather than with everyday life, some regular activities.

page 228
Fragment 3

Male, 61 years old, mountain. Ivanovo

8. I: A ↑ Do you consider yourself a religious person

9. R: Yes I am an Orthodox I respect both:: and the cross is on me

10. I carry and -

11. And: - A::-

12. R: - I believe=

13. And: =Did you go to church If so ↑ how often

14. R: went to church but:: not often Быв Was also::: in large churches and:::

15. I go to a lot of churches now and often

16. And: - mostly on ↑ holidays

17. R: well:: At least:: say so twice a year=

18. And: =And here -

19. R: - A: so I visited 0na in

20. on average, beru0 A ↓ visited

21. A lot of people were in Kiev, too.

22. And:: in Sergeeveposad был was

23. All:: Viewed Curious

24. in these things, but in Ivanovskaya

25. regions are practically everywhere

26. Visited

27. I: in general, for the holiday -

28. R: - YES YES when there is an opportunity ↓ of course

As a rule, "fellow travelers" are critical of the strength of their faith (fragment 4, lines 2 - 3), realizing that they do not make any special efforts on this path. But they have a general positive attitude, attentiveness and respect for the faith. This can be related to both personal experiences and examples from other people's lives (fragment 4, lines 7-11).

Fragment 4

Female, 71 years old, mountain. Ivanovo

1. I: Please tell me if you consider yourself a religious person

page 229
2. R: (3.0) vo: t to true believers <I can't say< Well: to church like this

3. [I go

4. And: well скорее rather ↓ yes=

5. R: = ↓yes rather::: well, I'll tell you-

6. And: - yes verily here verily (xxx)

7. R: well, you know (.) well, our teacher was=

8. And: =uh-huh

9. R: if I'm like this (.) he was never (.) and then suddenly he was

10. true believers Here he went - He knew all the holidays::

11. and::=

12. And: =uh-huh

13. R: we don't have that and I won't say it-

15. And: - well, you consider yourself

15. ↑ to believers

16. R: well, in general

Doubt in faith is a typical feature of representatives of the group of "fellow travelers". Only a little is not enough for them to move into the group of "parishioners", but the general attitude and, in a sense, understanding of religious values is fully present. One of the most common explanations is the lack of time for them, immersion in household chores, caring for loved ones. For example, a man who said earlier that his grandchildren are now the main value for him, no doubt calls himself a believer (fragment 5, line 2), but connects a visit to the temple only with the free time: "everything depends on saturation, work and plus chores around the house" (fragment 5, lines 7-9).

Fragment 5

Male, 50 years old, village. Savino, Savinsky district

1. I: Please tell me: Do you consider yourself a religious person

2. P: (3.0) 0da0

3. And: and go to church -

4. R: - of course ↓ Without faith, nowhere ↑ To the church

5. Without fail, whenever possible

6. I: well, it's mostly ↑ on holidays or do you regularly go to the service

page 230
7. P: (4.0) (...xx) it all depends on:: t saturation=

8. And: =uh-huh

9. R: work and plus (g. o) chores around the house

"Observers" refuse to visit the temple, but identify themselves as believers. Studies of the population of Western Europe showed a steady growth trend in this group several decades ago. Grace Davey argues that older people living in developed countries are now becoming less and less associated with the Church.7 Neil Krause, Jazy Liang, and Joan Bennett and their colleagues reported similar results in the Japanese Society8 on the shift of older people from traditional religions to private spiritual practices and radical individualization of faith. In our study, on the contrary, the group of those who deny themselves collective worship services is small - 21%. Moreover, considering the speech forms of refusal, it is not difficult to detect its very conditional nature. For example, the grandmother three times intonation emphasizes the presence of faith (fragment 6, lines 2, 12), leaving the interviewer in no doubt about this, but also strongly asserts the non-attendance of the temple. At the same time, we are not talking about a refusal in principle. She very rarely goes to church, but she does not consider it possible, because of the rarity of visits, to say that she really goes to church, because she comes "only for the soul, occasionally "(fragment 6, lines 6-7).

Fragment 6

Female, 70 years old, mountain. Pillowcases, Kineshensky district

1. And: And you ↓ do you consider yourself a religious person

2. R: (G. o) I:: верю believe but (.) I don't ↓ go to church

3. And: don't go to "church" yes

4. R: Yes

5. I: and how would you rate -

6. R: - well, occasionally occasionally: so this is: well, as if

7. for the soul it is: ↓ for your own -

Davie G.7 . Religion in Britain since 1945: Believing without Belonging. Oxford: Blackwell, 1994; Davie G., Vincent J. Religion and Old Age //Ageing and Society. 1998. Vol. 18. No. 1. P. 103.

Krause N., Liang J., Bennett J., et al. 8. A Descriptive Analysis of Religious Involvement among Older Adults in Japan//Ageing & Society. 2010. Vol. 30. P. 671 - 696.

page 231
8. And: - look here there is [option

9. P: [and so that

10. I: [regularly on services or on the Internet]

11. holidays or don't go at all

12. R: Voobshe I do not go and I BELIEVE and:: I BELIEVE

"Tourists "(5%), on the contrary, talk about their lack of faith, but still go to the temple from time to time. Here we are not talking about curiosity or a desire to learn something new-qualities that are often associated with tourism, but rather a certain tradition in behavior: "I go because it is accepted, it is necessary." If we develop the metaphor of tourism, then this is not the construction of an individual route, but a group visit to pre-defined places, the adoption of certain pre-set rules without any understanding of their necessity or importance. Here we see tourism out of habit, introduction to the other as the consumption of what is due, often associated with an incurable illness or death, grief that does not fit into the mundane picture of the world (fragment 7).

Fragment 7

Female, 53 years old, village. Staraya Vichuga, Vichugsky district

1. And: Do you consider yourself: a religious person ↓ yes or no

2. P: (2.0) no

3. I: no And go to church ↑ go or don't go

4, P: I go if necessary

5. I: mostly ↓ on holidays ↓ out of necessity yes

6. R: well: after death, after obeying the same (.)

7. on memorial days

There has long been a research tradition to explain coming to faith through hardships, grief and suffering. Thus, a larger percentage of believers among the older generation is traditionally justified by the proximity of death, poor health and life losses.9 Without disputing the reasons listed, we note that they were much more likely to pop up in conversations with people who were not interested in working with them.-

Lane C.9 . Christian Religion in the Soviet Union: A Sociological Study. New York: University of New York Press, 1978. P. 225; Argyle, M. Religious Behavior. P. 49.

page 232
they belong to the categories of "tourists" and "observers". Among the" parishioners "and" fellow travelers", life-affirming motives dominated, and meaning is gained through an even, if not joyful, attitude to what is happening. Neil Krause came to similar conclusions when he found a direct and stable relationship based on empirical data between the meaningfulness of the life path, the strengthening of religious understanding of personal destiny,and the regularity of attending services in temples. 10 Since religion is perhaps the most significant area of human existence that gives meaning to the latter, 11 the search for meaning, rather than an escape from reality, becomes the dominant factor in turning to God. In other words, faith, first of all, gives a chance to live, is consistent with the understanding and meaning of what is happening, and does not replace worldly losses. And it is almost impossible to approach this understanding of faith alone. N. Krause shows that the church community provides the parishioner with both spiritual and emotional support. The first is based on religious doctrine, the second on universal values-empathy, care, love and trust 12. It is the combination of spiritual and emotional beginnings that can explain such dramatic differences in the worldview of believers and those who are curious in faith.

The constructed typology makes it possible to mark out the older population of a certain territory by significant religious characteristics. If we talk about the implementation of the key task of activating parish life, set by the Bishops ' Council of 2012, then the elements of social or marketing segmentation are no longer meaningless. They allow you to identify target groups and most effectively redistribute efforts to spread the Christian faith.

The presented typology of religious identity (Figure 2) is easily defragmented to a linear scale representing the religious path from complete disbelief, lexically demonstrated by "outsiders", to church membership, which leads to the behavior of "parishioners" (Figure 3).

Krause N. 10. Religious Meaning and Subjective Well-being in Late Life//Journal of Gerontology. Series B: Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences. 2003. Vol. 58. P. 160 - 170.

Clark W.H. 11. The Psychology of Religion. New York: Macmillan, 1958. P. 419.

Krause N. 12. The Social Foundation of Religious Meaning in Life // Research on Aging. 2008. Vol. 30. No. 4. P. 397 - 398.

page 233

Figure 3. Religious Path scale

The proportion of" outsiders " in a given territory can be interpreted as an index of religious indifference, or disbelief. This is the part of the population that is not yet available for direct exposure to religious education. The index characterizes the detachment of the studied community from religious practices. At the same time, the total share of "parishioners" and "fellow travelers", the most consistent and active part of the church parish, is interpreted by us as an index of religious mobility, or real movement to faith. In the Ivanovo region, the index of religious indifference among people over 50 years of age is 18%, and the index of religious mobility is 55% (Figure 3). Grace Davey, based on the works of Georg Simmel, emphasizes the individualization and segmentation of modern life, the departure from collective forms of religion, and the search for personal ways to join the sacred 13. In our classification, these are groups of "tourists" and"observers". It should be noted that they are not numerous, and it is not necessary to talk about the destruction of collective forms of religious life. On the contrary, there is a significant shift towards religiosity in the older generation of the region, which indicates a strong position and very productive activity of the Church.

Davie G. 13. The Sociology of Religion. L.: Sage, 2007. P. 31.

page 234
If we consider the values of the indices in the diocesan context, their distribution is noticeably uniform (x2=23,508, df=12, p<0.024). In other words, the Ivanovo Archdiocese in the older age groups of the population represents a socio-territorial community that is close in religious identity (Table d).

Table 2. Distribution of responses on the religious path scale in the dioceses of the Ivanovo Metropolitan Area, % by line

Dioceses of the Ivanovo Archdiocese

Typology of the path to faith

Indexes

The Pilgrims

Fellow travelers

Observers

Tourists

Outsiders

religious mobility

detachment

Ivanovo city

6

47

17

6

24

53

24

Ivano-Voznesenskaya and Vichugskaya (without mountains. Ivanovo)

4

52

22

4

18

56

18

Shuiskaya and Teikovskaya streets

8

50

22

6

14

58

14

Kineshma and Palekh region

8

47

27

5

13

55

13

Total

6

49

21

5

18

55

18

Minor differences (statistically insignificant) are noticeable only among the number of "observers" and "outsiders" in the city of Ivanovo and the Kineshma and Palekh dioceses. In Ivanovo, the number of "outsiders" is noticeably higher - 24% against 18% on average for the sample, in the Kineshma and Plekhia dioceses - "observers" - 27%

page 235
against 21% (Table d). The religious mobility index is almost indistinguishable in these territories.

Based on these hints of differences, it can be assumed that the urban population differs significantly from the rural population in matters of faith. However, the sample did not show any correlation between the type of locality and the typology of religious identity (x2=8,212, df=8, p<0.413). Moreover, almost no question representing socio-demographic or behavioral characteristics was found to correlate with this variable. Only by gender and Internet use there are insignificant correlations: men are more likely than women to take the position of observers to the detriment of the position of fellow travelers (x2=12,255, df=4, p<0.016); among those who access the Internet daily, there are more "strangers" than among those who do not use the Internet at all (x2 = 12,255, df = 4, p < 0.016). 2=35.14 2, df=16, p<0.004). After conducting a quantitative content analysis of the thematic repertoire of communication of older people in online communities, Galit Nimrod found that questions of faith and religious practices occupy only 1 / 13th of the most discussed topics, which include: pleasure from life, recreation, family, health, work and training, financial issues 14. Perhaps the intensification of secular communication, which is not typical for older people, leads to a withdrawal from purely religious thoughts.

For the other variables, even hints of any statistical relationship are invisible: age groups (x2=10,306, df=16, p<0.850), financial status assessment (x2=20,683, df=12, p<0.055), education (x2=10,571, df=16, p<0.835), physical education (x2=3.765, df=4, p<0.439), assessment of one's own health (x2=8.806, df=12, p<0.719), readiness to get a job in a feasible job (x2=4.497, df=8, p<0.810), assessment of one's own health (x2 = 8.806, df = 12, p < 0.719). local authorities (x2=4,004, df=8, p<0.857), assessment of the standard of living in the region (x2=9,087, df=20, p<1,182), etc. Foreign studies regularly record the absence of a link between religious attitudes or practices and some socio-demographic or behavioral changes-

Nimrod G. 14. Seniors' Online Communities: A Quantitative Content Analysis// Gerontologist. 2010. Vol. 50. No. 3. P.382 - 392.

page 236
with new ones 15. But we have never seen any studies where such a stable and consistent independence between such features was observed.

Conclusion

From this point of view, we can formulate a rather radical statement from the point of view of secular consciousness: religious identity in the Ivanovo Metropolia does not depend on external characteristics and features of worldly behavior. Within the framework of the issues raised, the path from complete disbelief to becoming a member of the church in the ideas and practices of the older generation is determined solely by the spiritual efforts of the parishioner. It would seem that the truth that is banal for an Orthodox person is confirmed by statistical data, which in itself is surprising. It is usually not so difficult to detect a variety of correlations: from quite plausible to very extravagant. Hundreds of scientific articles have been published in academic journals about the dependence of the health, social well-being, physical condition, and sexual behavior of older people on their involvement in religious practices.16 But the re variable we constructed is-

15. See, for example: June A., Segal D. L., Coolidge F. L., et al. Religiousness, Social Support and Reasons for Living in African American and European American Older Adults: An Exploratory Study//Aging & Mental Health. 2009. Vol. 13. No. 5. P. 753 - 760; Moreira-Almeida A., Pinsky I., ZaleskiM. et al. Religious Involvement and Sociodemographic Factors: A Brazilian National Survey// Revistade Psiquiatria Clinica. 2010. Vol. 37. No. 1. P. 12 - 15.

16. See, for example: Idler E. L., Musick M. A., Ellison C. G., et al. Measuring Multiple Dimensions of Religion and Spirituality for Health Research: Conceptual Background and Findings from the 1998 General Social Survey// Research on Aging. 2003. Vol. 25. P. 327 - 365; Krause N. Religious Meaning and Subjective Well-being in Late Life// Journal of Gerontology. Series B: Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences. 2003. Vol. 58. P. 160 - 170; Levin J., Chatters L.M., Taylor R.J. Religious Factors in Health and Medical Care among Older Adults // Southern Medical Journal. 2006. Vol. 99. P. 1168 - 1169; Levin J., Chatters L.M., Taylor R.J. Theory in Religion, Aging, and Health: An Overview//Journal of Religion & Health. 2011. Vol. 50. No. 2. P.389 - 406; LevinJ., Chatters L.M. Religion, Aging, and Health: Historical Perspectives, Current Trends, and Future Directions//Journal of Religion. 2008. Vol. 20. No. 1. P. 153 - 172; Mystakidou K., Tsilika E., Parpa E., et al. Demographic and Clinical Predictors of Spirituality in Advanced Cancer Patients: A Randomized Control Study//Journal of Clinical Nursing. 2008. Vol. 17. No. 13. P. 1779 - 1785; Idler E.L., Mclaughlin J., Kasl S. Religion and the Quality of Life in the Last Year of Life // Journal of Gerontology. Series B: Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences.2009. Vol. 64. No. 4. P.528 - 537; Moxey A., Mc Evoy M., Bowe S., Attia J. Spirituality, Religion, Social Support and Health among Older Australian Adults//Australasian Journal on Ageing. 2011. Vol. 30. No. 2. P. 82 - 88; McFarland M.J., Uecker J.E., Regnerus M.D. The Role of Religion in Shaping Sexual

page 237
a person with a religious identity reveals an enviable resistance and immunity to all materially determined features included in the questionnaire. To what extent is the resulting "anti-sociological" conclusion about the indifference of the path to faith from worldly life stable? Where are the limits of such generalization? Is it possible to transfer it to the older generation of the entire Russian society, and not just talk about the Ivanovo region? Have we discovered a special feature of Orthodoxy, or can such a judgment, with some amendments, be transferred to other religions? How much does the older age of the respondents affect the practice of becoming a church member? Do the age cohorts of the Russian population differ in the typology of religious identity, and if so, to what extent? These are all questions for subsequent research, comparisons, and scientific articles.

Bibliography

Argyle M. Religious Behavior. N.Y.: Routledge, 1958.

Baker C. D. Ethnomethodologcial analysis of interviews // Handbook of Interview Research: Context and Method/Ed. by J. F. Gubrium, J.A. Holstein. L.: Sage, 2002. P. 777 - 793.

Clark W.H. The Psychology of Religion. N.Y.: Macmillan, 1958.

Davie G. Religion in Britain since 1945: Believing without Belonging. Oxford: Blackwell, 1994.

Davie G. The Sociology of Religion. London: Sage, 2007.

Davie G., Vincent J. Religion and Old Age//Ageing and society. 1998. Vol. 18. No. 1. P. 101 - 110.

Gallup G. The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion 1995. Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 2005.

Hutcby I., Wooffitt R. Conversation Analysis: Principles, Practices and Applications. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2001.

Idler E. L., Mclaughlin J., Kasl S. Religion and the Quality of Life in the Last Year of Life // Journal of Gerontology. Series B: Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences. 2009. Vol. 64. No. 4. P.528 - 537.

Idler E. L., Musick M. A., Ellison C. G., et al. Measuring Multiple Dimensions of Religion and Spirituality for Health Research: Conceptual Background and Findings from the 1998 General Social Survey// Research on Aging. 2003. Vol. 25. P. 327 - 365.

June A., Segal D.L., Coolidge F.L., et al. Religiousness, Social Support and Reasons for Living in African American and European American Older Adults: An Exploratory Study//Aging & Mental Health. 2009. Vol. 13. No. 5. P. 753 - 760.

Frequency and Satisfaction: Evidence form Married and Unmarried Older Adults // Journal of Sex Research. 2011. Vol. 48. No. 2 - 3. P. 297 - 308;

Stang A., Martinsen J.L, Kjaerheim K., et al. Cancer Incidence among Priests: 45 Years of Follow-up four Nordic Countries//European Journal of Epidemiology. 2012. Vol. 27. No. 2. P. 101 - 108.

page 238
Krause N. Religious Meaning and Subjective Well-being in Late Life //Journal of Gerontology. Series B: Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences. 2003. Vol. 58. P. 160 - 170.

Krause N. The Social Foundation of Religious Meaning in Life // Research on Aging. 2008. Vol. 30. No. 4. P.395 - 427.

Krause N., Liang J., Bennett J., et al. A Descriptive Analysis of Religious Involvement among Older Adults in Japan//Ageing & Society. 2010. Vol. 30. P. 671 - 696.

Lane C. Christian Religion in the Soviet Union: A Sociological Study. New York: University of New York Press, 1978.

Levin J., Chatters L.M. Religion, Aging, and Health: Historical Perspectives, Current Trends, and Future Directions//Journal of Religion. 2008. Vol. 20. No. 1. P. 153 - 172.

Levin J., Chatters L.M., Taylor R.J. Religious Factors in Health and Medical Care among Older Adults//Southern Medical Journal. 2006. Vol. 99. P. 1168 - 1169.

Levin J., Chatters L.M., Taylor R. J.Theory in Religion, Aging, and Health: An Overview// Journal of Religion & Health. 2011. Vol. 50. No. 2. P.389 - 406.

McFarland M.J., Uecker J.E., Regnerus M.D.The Role of Religion in Shaping Sexual Frequency and Satisfaction: Evidence form Married and Unmarried Older Adults// Journal of Sex Research. 2011. Vol. 48. No. 2 - 3. P. 297 - 308.

Moreira-Almeida A., Pinsky I., Zaleski M., et al. Religious Involvement and Sociodemographic Factors: A Brazilian National Survey//Revistade Psiquiatria Clinica. 2010. Vol. 37. No. 1. P. 12 - 15.

Moxey A., McEvoy M., Bowe S., Attia J. Spirituality, Religion, Social Support and Health among Older Australian Adults //Australasian Journal on Ageing. 2011. Vol. 30. No. 2. P. 82 - 88.

Mystakidou K., Tsilika E., Parpa E., et al. Demographic and Clinical Predictors of Spirituality in Advanced Cancer Patients: A Randomized Control Study//Journal of Clinical Nursing. 2008. Vol. 17. No. 13. P. 1779 - 1785.

Nimrod G. Seniors' Online Communities: A Quantitative Content Analysis//Gerontologist. 2010. Vol. 50. No. 3. P.382 - 392.

Powell L.H., Shahabi L., Thoresen C.E. Religion and Spirituality: Linkages to Physical Health//American Psychologist. 2003. Vol. 58. No. 1. P. 36 - 52.

Sacks H., Schegloff E.A., Jefferson G.A. Simplest Systematics for Organization of Turn-taking for Conversation//Language. 1974. Vol. 50. P.696 - 735.

Stang A., Martinsen J.L., Kjaerheim K., et al. Cancer Incidence among Priests: 45 years of Follow-up four Nordic Countries // European Journal of Epidemiology. 2012. Vol. 27. No. 2. P. 101 - 108.

Vincent J. Old Age. N.Y: Routlegde, 2003.

page 239
Application

Transcription Dictionary for recording spoken language*

Sign

Description

(0.0)

Numbers in parentheses indicate pauses between utterances (in seconds)

0

The speech fragment is unclear and cannot be transcribed

(.)

Sign of the short interval between utterances (tenths of a second)

(())

Author's comment, not part of utterances

(word)

Doubt as to the correctness of the transcribed passage

[]

Superimposing utterances

(XX)

Laughter, a smile in the voice

.XX

Breath

XX.

Exhale

Slo (xx) in

The word is pronounced with a laugh or a smile in the voice

=

There is no pause at all between utterances

word -

Interrupted word

.,?!

Signs that symbolize intonation: ending, enumerating, interrogative, and exclamation points

:

Stretching a letter; the number of icons shows approximately the length of the stretch

word

The underlined letter indicates the intonation stress on this word

word

The word is pronounced very loudly, shout

word

The word is pronounced emphatically energetically and slightly louder than usual

0 word 0

The utterance is pronounced noticeably quieter than usual

↓ ↑

Raising and lowering intonation

-

Indicates a transcript element described in the text

the word'

"Swallowed" word or part of a word, colloquial version

<...>

Part of the text that follows between statements is omitted

about ><

Slow down speech Speed up speech

* Compiled in accordance with the basic requirements for transcripts of conversion analysis, see, for example: Sacks H., Schegloff E. A., Jefferson G. A Simplified Systematics for Organization of Turn-taking for Conversation // Language. 1974. Vol. 50. P. 731, 734; Hutcby I., Wooffitt R. Conversation Analysis: Principles, Practices and Applications. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2001. P. vi-vii.

page 240

© elibrary.fr

Permanent link to this publication:

https://elibrary.fr/m/articles/view/From-stranger-to-parishioner-or-the-religious-identity-of-the-older-generation-of-Ivanovo-residents