In the 16th and 17th centuries, the position of the separate political entities of Georgia, which at that time it consisted of, depended on the rivalry of two Muslim powers: Sunni Turkey and Shiite Persia. The strengthening of the latter's military power at the beginning of the 17th century brought new troubles to Eastern Georgia. Since 1614, the devastating invasions of Shah Abbas I (1587-1629) in Kakheti began, finally ravaging this region. King Teymuraz I of Kakheti (King of Kakheti, 1601-1648; king of the united Kakheti and Kartli, 1625-1632) had the idea of creating an all-Georgian league. It was supposed to unite Kakheti and Kartli (Eastern Georgia), Imereti, Mingrelia and Guria (Western Georgia). At the first stage, the kings and ruling princes (mtavras) of Georgia were united in their decision. But soon their union broke up. Then King Teymuraz I began to seek contacts with the outside world. He turned for help to the Turkish sultan, then to the Pope of Rome and the Spanish king, then to the Russian tsar. There was a need to create diplomatic missions. For this purpose, people capable of performing diplomatic duties were needed. This was an extremely difficult task. Nevertheless, King Teymuraz I was able to surround himself with people loyal to him and his struggle to preserve Georgia as an independent state. Almost all of them occupied a high position in the church hierarchy. The lives of three of them are of great interest for two reasons: first, they were outstanding historical figures, and secondly, due to the coincidence of names, dates and events of their activities, many historians attributed their fates at best to each other, and at worst were reduced to one person.

The first of them was Nikoloz Cholokashvili-Irubakidze (1585-1658), 1 known in the history of the Georgian Church as Bishop Nikoloz, Nikifor or Mikifor, Nikifor Irbakh, Jvarismama, which means "father of the cross"in Georgian. This was a man who surprised his contemporaries with his holiness, extensive and versatile knowledge, "whether it was the Pope of Rome with cardinals, or the Shah of Iran with his satraps" (Gugushvili, 1984, p.197). In addition to Georgian and Mingrelian, he knew seven foreign languages: Greek, Turkish, Arabic, Russian, French, Spanish and Italian.

Nikoloz Cholokashvili was a native of Eastern Georgia. His father Oman and brother Kaykhosro were grandees at the court of the Kakheti kings. He spent his adolescence and youth in a Greek school in Rome (1596-1608), where he took the monastic name Nikephoros 2 after taking the tonsure.

After returning to his homeland, he was happily received by the royal court and became the confessor of King Teimuraz I (Zhordania and Gamezardashvili, 1994: 46, 81). This fact

1 Cholokashvili-an ancient and noble family of Georgian princes of Eastern Georgia. According to Vakhushti, their surname was spelled with an "a", i.e. Cholakashvili (Tsarevich Vakhushti, 1904, p. 14). Therefore, in the works of some historians, the surname of Bishop Nikoloz is written with the letter "a".

2 In order not to confuse the two historical figures named Nikifor discussed in this article, I refer to the Georgian Bishop Cholokashvili-Irubakidze as Bishop Nikoloz-Nikifor.

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It is confirmed by the decree (stele) of Tsar Teimuraz I (Zhordania, 1897, p. 440). After the devastating campaigns of Shah Abbas I in Kakheti and the tsar's emigration with his court in Imereti, Bishop Nikoloz-Nikifor left Georgia and went to Jerusalem, where he spent 13 years (1614-1626) as a monk of the Monastery of the Cross. Looking for contacts with the Vatican and the rulers of Western Europe to get military support in the fight against Iran and Turkey, King Teymuraz I remembered the monk of the Cross Monastery. It was to him that he sent two letters (one to King Philip IV of Spain, the other to Pope Urban VIII).3. Having secured a letter of recommendation from Patriarch Theophanes of Jerusalem, 4 Nikoloz-Nikephoros, accompanied by two Greek monks, set out for Europe. But all his efforts were in vain: the papacy and the Catholic states did not want to conclude an alliance with King Teymuraz I either against Iran or against the Ottoman Empire. However, the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith (Sacra Congregatione de Propaganda Fide), founded in 1622, whose activities were aimed at spreading Catholicism, and in particular at the spiritual conquest of the Crimea and the Caucasus, became convinced of the expediency of organizing missions in Eastern Georgia.5 This decision was the only result of diplomatic efforts on the part of the Georgian tsar.

On August 14, 1629, Bishop Nikoloz-Nikifor, after spending three years in Europe (1626-1629), arrived in Gori (Kartli), where at that time the residence of King Teymuraz I was located. He was in a hurry. This is evidenced by two petitions submitted to the secretary of the Congregation for the Promotion of the Faith, Francesco Ingoli (August 3 and 28, 1628) [Zhordania and Gamezardashvili, 1994, p. 411]. It is possible that after arriving in Georgia in those-

3 Both letters, dated November 20, 1625, and delivered to Bishop Nikoloz-Nikifor at the Monastery of the Cross in the summer of 1626, were written in Georgian. The first letter was translated into Spanish (stored in the State Historical Archive of Spain), the other - into Latin (located in the archive of the Congregation for the Promotion of the Faith in Rome). The letters were edited by the bishop, since King Teymuraz I gave him the right to navigate according to circumstances.

4 Patriarch Theophanes of Jerusalem provided all possible assistance to Bishop Nikoloz-Nikephoros, as he believed that the Jerusalem church was grateful to the kingdom of Teimuraz, from which, despite the terrible poverty, it continued to receive great material assistance for the Holy Places. But just in case, he assigned Greek monks to keep him posted.

5 The Pope considered this mission so important that the Congregation for the Promotion of the Faith organized a special printing house in Georgian, publishing in 1629 a small prayer book and an Italian-Georgian dictionary (Dittionario Giorgiano e Italiano, composto da Stefano Paolini con l'aiuto del M. R. R. D. Niceforo Irbachi, Giorgiano Monaco di S. Basilio. Rome, 1629). The decision to establish Catholic missions in Georgia was supported, on the one hand, by the story of the martyrdom of Queen Ketevan in Persia in 1624, known from the report of the Dominican monk-missionary Gregorius Orsini, and, on the other hand, by information about Georgia provided by the Italian traveler Pietro della Balle in 1626.

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For a short period of time, he was the rector of the Metekhi Church in Tbilisi.6 In Gori, Nikoloz-Nikifor communicated with the monks of the Theater who had settled there since 1631 (Zhordania and Gamezardashvili, 1994, p. 512). But very soon he left Georgia to make a pilgrimage to the Holy Places. After the capture of Kartli by the Muslim King Rostom I in 1633, King Teymuraz I moved in with his matchmaker, King George III of Imereti. As for Bishop Nikoloz-Nikifor, in the late 30s of the XVII century, he was in Mingrelia (Western Georgia), where he was the head of the first Khob and then Vedic Metropolitanes7. The years of his service in the land of Levan II Dadiani are defined by two periods. The first is to stay in Mingrelia after returning from the Holy Land until 1642. At this time, Bishop Nikoloz-Nikifor took an active part in the court affairs of the ruler of Mingrelia. 8 He was able to move freely throughout Georgia. He is constantly seen in Kakheti with King Teimuraz I, then in Guria, then at the court of Imereti Tsar Alexander III [Embassy of the Stolnik..., 1926, p. 38 - 64]. In all his actions, the bishop's devotion to the cause of Tsar Teimuraz I was clearly felt. He continued to carry out his special assignments. A typical example was his participation in the settlement of relations between the King of Imereti Alexander III and the ruler of Mingrelia Levan II Dadiani

6 There is an inscription on one of the manuscripts: "God, have mercy on the sinful Nikephoros, who was the abbot of Metekhi in Tbilisi and a hieromonk of the Monastery of the Cross. Amen, son of Oman Cholokadze "[Kekelidze, 1945, p. 303]. It is known that soon he will go to Jerusalem on church business. This trip is known thanks to a letter written by Nikoloz-Nikephoros from Jerusalem to Cardinal Barberini, with whom he maintained a friendship that had developed during his stay in Rome (Vateishvili, 2003, p. 91).

7 There is an inscription on the walls of the Khob monastery: "I, Nikoloz Khobeli, am the abbot of this holy monastery." There was also an image of Nikoloz himself, which has not been preserved. According to the article lists of the Russian ambassadors Fedot Yelchin and Pavel Zakhariev, it is obvious that Archimandrite Nikoloz was somewhere else before becoming the abbot of the Khobsky monastery (approximately in 1637-1638) [Embassy of the deacon..., 1887, p. 333]. G. Kalandiya believes that Nikoloz-Nikifor with From 1632 to 1640, he was rector, and from 1640 to 1657, Bishop of Hobi (Kalandiya, 2004: 160, 167, 312). This cannot possibly correspond to reality. The Khob diocese, as G. Kalandiya himself notes, was restored by Prince Levan Dadiani in 1639-1649. The words of Nikoloz-Nikifor to the Russian ambassadors on April 30, 1640," I have not been here long", confirm this fact. G. Kalandiya, referring to the opinion of the traveler Timote Gabashvili, who in 1757 - 1758. saw the wall inscription in the Monastery of the Cross ("bedieli (abbot. - N. B.) and jvarismama Nikifore"), and the modern The historian B. Horava, believes that he was in the Bedia Monastery in the 40s. This is probably true: he probably moved there shortly before his departure for Jerusalem, in 1641-1642, which gave him the right to be called bedieli. A few years later, in 1651, he was again seen "in the monastery of Khotii", this time by two elders who came from Mount Athos to collect monastic taxes [Embassy of the steward..., 1926, pp. 157-158].

8 Prince Levan Dadiani of Mingrelia resorted to the services of Nikoloz-Nikifor both as an interpreter and as a diplomat [Embassy of the deacon..., 1887, p.303, 332].

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[Embassy of Stolnik..., 1926, p. 97, 142-143]. At that time, he was assisted by the monks of the Theater Order, who, supported by Levan II Dadiani, firmly established themselves in Mingrelia. And he, for his part, provided them with protection: he was their intercessor and intercessor before the royal and princely courts [Zhordania and Gamezardashvili, 1994, p.23].

In 1642, Bishop Nikoloz-Nikifor left Georgia again. The next seven years (1642-1649) of his life were associated with the Monastery of the Cross on Mount Golgotha in Jerusalem, where he was abbot, as a result of which he was called jvarismama. Immediately after his arrival, Nikoloz-Nikifor set about restoring the monastery church 9. There, he immortalized his name everywhere: on the walls, marble slabs, and a bronze plaque embedded in the masonry floor.

By the decision of Patriarch Paisios of Jerusalem, Bishop Nikoloz-Nikifor returned to his homeland in 1649 as a messenger of the Holy Land10 and at the same time rector of the Kortskheli Church11 - the second period of his stay in the land of Levan II Dadiani began. He finally settled in Western Georgia, which he did not leave until the end of his days. At this stage of his life, he was engaged in collecting donations for Holy Places, which allowed him to travel freely throughout Georgia. The date of Nikoloz Cholokashvili's death is known from two sources. Patriarch Dosifey reported that on July 10 or 11, 1658, Nikifor (Nikoloz-Nikifor. - N. B.) met in the Mokva monastery with Patriarch Paisius, who occupied the Jerusalem see, and accompanied him to the city of Moscow. Zugdidi and that he died in the same year or at the beginning of the next [Kekelidze, 1945, p. 305]. The second source is the information of the Catholic missionary Andrea Boromeo, who sent a report to Rome in June 1658, in which he mentioned (Nicolo) Nikifora Irbakh [Gugushvili, 1984, p. 258]. Nikoloz-Nikephoros resumed friendly relations with the Theatine monks, especially with their prefect in Mingrelia, Giuseppe Maria Zampi, who retained the kindest memories of him.

* * *

The loss of Kartli (1633) forced King Teimuraz I, along with all his relatives (with his wife and three grandsons: Luarsab, George and Irakli, who later lived

9 The renovation of the church and the renovation of the murals began on August 10, 1643 and was completed on January 11, 1644. Basically, everything was done at the expense of the ruler of Mingrelia Levan II Dadiani, granted for the repose of the soul of his wife Nestan-Darejan (t 1639) and his sister, Queen Mariam. Nikoloz-Nikifor repaired the dome and altar at his own expense (Virsaladze, 1974, p. 19).

10 From the words of the prefect of the Theatine Order in Mingrelia, J. The famous French traveler Chardin reported in his travel notes: "The Patriarch of Jerusalem sends a commissioner from the Holy Land to Oddisi-Mingrelia, Imereti, i.e. to Georgia and Guria to collect donations in favor of the mentioned Holy Places. Such a commissar (who must necessarily be a ber (monk. - N. B.)) is currently His Eminence Nicholas Irbach, a Greek monk of the Order of St. Basil, who holds the title of jvarismama. He can, like the patriarch of Jerusalem, give everyone an indulgence, according to their sandoba, that is, absolution of sins, which he does, charging for this fifty crowns " [Chardin's Journey..., 1902, p. 97].

11. Kalandiya incorrectly believes that Nikoloz-Nikifor, being in Mingrelia before his departure to Jerusalem, was also the abbot of the Kortskheli temple [Kalandiya, 2004, p. 91]. The fact is that this temple, along with the villages that belonged to it, was the property of the Monastery of the Cross in Jerusalem. This is evidenced by the inscription above the group portrait of the family of Levan II Dadiani in the fresco of this temple: "We, the God-blessed ruler Dadiani Leon, who is placed under your protection, painted this for the salvation of the soul of our queen consort Nestan-Darejan and donated to the monastery the village of Kortskheli in 100 dyms, in chronicon 331 "(1643-N. B.) [Acts..., 1873, p. 1048; Virsaladze, 1974, p. 17]. Naturally, after returning to Georgia as a representative of the Monastery of the Cross, Nikoloz-Nikifor became its abbot.

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several years at the court of Tsar Alexey Mikhailovich under the name of Nikolai Davidovich) move to Imereti. After unsuccessful attempts to get help in Western Europe, Tsar Teymuraz I begins negotiations with the Russian sovereign, resuming relations begun by his grandfather, Tsar Alexander II.12 However, his first attempts did not bring results.

In 1635, on behalf of Tsar Teimuraz I, Protosinkel of the Patriarch of Constantinople Nikifor (Mikifor)13, the second of the three diplomats mentioned in the article, arrived in Moscow. Nikephoros, a Greek by nationality, belonged to the clergy of the Church of Jerusalem and was the rector of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem, which managed the property of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. At the request of Tsar Teimuraz I, he was released to Georgia by Patriarch Kirill. During his stay in Georgia, he was elevated in absentia to the rank of Metropolitan of Kikkoi (Ioseliani, 1866, p. 64).

He became the second professional diplomat of Tsar Teymuraz I, after Bishop Nikoloz-Nikephoros. The tsar implicitly trusted him and highly appreciated his services. In one of his letters to the Russian tsar, Teymuraz I wrote:: "I use it for everything... because I don't have anyone more capable ... and he is one soul and one heart with me, and he serves me before God with a pure heart... "[Correspondence..., 1861, p. 9].

Nikephoros was an educated man, a born diplomat, who was honest and scrupulous about the duties assigned to him. In the case of the metropolitan's "arrival" in Moscow, many documents were preserved: a large number of voivodeship replies about the route, a letter of recommendation from the Patriarch of Constantinople, and his own petitions. It was Metropolitan Nikifor who managed to restore good relations between Kakheti and Russia.

The "named Metropolitan of Kukoson" arrived in Russia in 1636 and had a farewell audience with Tsar Mikhail Fyodorovich on April 25, 1637 [Correspondence..., 1861, p. XXIX]. The mission of the embassy was to receive military assistance from Russia. The mission resulted in the return embassy of Prince Volkonsky and Deacon Khvatov to Kakheti in 1637-1640, 14 with which the Metropolitan himself returned to Georgia. In 1639, while this embassy was in Kakheti, Tsar Teimuraz I swore allegiance to the Tsar of Moscow.15 This act was confirmed by a letter of grant from Tsar Mikhail Fyodorovich. Then it was necessary to agree on specific assistance to Georgia from Russia. And Nikifor went back to Moscow. This trip was preceded by long negotiations between Nikephoros and Tsar Teimuraz I. At first, Nikephoros flatly refused to go to Russia under the pretext of his urgent departure to Jerusalem for confirmation in the new rank. But the tsar was adamant, and Metropolitan Nikephoros finally agreed. However, he gave the king a condition to fulfill three requirements that, in his opinion, should ensure a successful outcome of the mission.

_ 12 In February 1604, the Greek Archimandrite Cyril Xanthopoulos was sent to Moscow as an ambassador [Correspondence..., 1861, p. X]. Tsar Teymuraz I began to establish contacts with Moscow in 1616.

13 He participated in two embassies: December 20, 1635-June 1637 [Materials..., 1937] and December 29, 1640-October 14, 1643 [The Prince's Embassy..., 1928].

14 This embassy was to negotiate with Tsar Teimuraz I on the conditions under which he wished to become a subject of the Muscovite state, to take the oath of office, and to gather detailed information about Georgia. Its members included both secular and spiritual persons:" from the life-giving Trinity from the Sergiev Monastery, the cathedral elder of the former Ipatsky " Archimandrite Joseph, the black priest Alexy, the white priest Gregory, from the Chudov monastery, the black deacon Arseny Sukhanov. They were sent to the Georgian land "to correct the Orthodox Christian faiths." They carried with them a large number of liturgical vestments, books, various utensils, and icons collected from the Chudov and Trinity-Sergius monasteries, and the Annunciation Cathedral [Materials..., 1937, pp. 162-164].

15 The act of the crucifixion recording took place on April 23, 1639 in the royal residence of Teimuraz I in Zagem on the day of the celebration of St. George the Great Martyr [Correspondence..., 1861, p.XLIX].

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His conditions were as follows: "... listen now to my words and do what I tell you: Let your country Iverskaya land and Christianity be restored, let the faith of Christ and the Royal family not perish. I will go [as an ambassador], and if you don't comply, I won't go. ...My first demand is this: that you stand firm and strong in your word ...because these petitions and these charters will remain forever and ever. ...The second requirement...: My Tsar, kiss the cross and give a cross-kissing certificate that you submit to the great and high hand of the Great Sovereign. Then the Great Sovereign will believe in the cross that you kissed and the cross-kissing certificate, and will take care of you and protect you from all enemies... The third requirement is this, my King Teymuraz: You know very well, my Tsar, that in the country of the Great Sovereign (Mikhail Fyodorovich - N. B.) there is no ore where silver or gold is found; but in your country, my Tsar, silver and gold are born in the Mountains of Tours and Dit..And I urge you to inform the Great Emperor about this, so that he will give us craftsmen and we will open the ore" [Correspondence..., 1861, pp. 14-17].

In 1641, Nikifor had a farewell audience with Tsar Mikhail Fyodorovich, and in the same year, on June 9, a new embassy headed by Prince Myshetsky and Deacon Klyucharev went to Georgia. However, the hopes of Tsar Teimuraz I for help from Russia were not fulfilled this time, which led to another cooling of relations between the two states [Embassy of the PRINCE..., 1928, 017].

Metropolitan Nikephoros left Georgia for good in 1642 and nothing is known about him after that. His departure was a great loss for King Teymuraz I. "I, the Great Tsar, find it very difficult to choose reasonable people," he once wrote to Mikhail Fyodorovich [Correspondence..., 1861, p. 9].

* * *

These" intelligent people " were sought out by King Teimuraz I both in Jerusalem 16 and in his own midst. An important role in the internal political and ecclesiastical affairs of that time was played by the bishops of Alaverdi17, who were called Alaverdi 18. In the hierarchy of the Georgian church, they occupied a prominent place, being, as a rule, confessors of the tsar.19 One of

16 From ancient times, Georgian kings "owned" the Monastery of the Cross and Mount Golgotha in Jerusalem and the Iveron Lavra on Mount Athos. They appointed hegumens who managed the Georgian lands donated to these holy monasteries. Tsar Teymuraz I, following the tradition of his predecessors, was a ktitor (churchwarden) and "protector" of Iveron monasteries in the Holy Land and on Mount Athos.

17 In Georgia, the clergy have always enjoyed great respect and influence both in matters of faith and in politics. It was the Georgian clergy that was educated, and scientists mostly came from the ranks of the clergy [Dubrovin, 1871, p. 269]. The position of the Georgian clergy almost always coincided with the patriotic mood of Georgian society. The church had its own Aznaur (nobles), who were obliged to perform military service [Nakashidze, 1968, p. 42]. Its highest hierarchs, as a rule, came from the most influential and famous Georgian families.

18 The Alaverdels were the abbots of Alaverdi, a cathedral in Kakheti.

19 In the church hierarchy, Alaverdi was ranked fifth. At the coronation of Georgian kings, after the king sits on his throne, "the bishops will sit in their own order. The Catholicos of Kartala commands and sits on the right side of the royal throne in chairs on a cushion; the bishop of Chkondida enters and sits on the left side of the tsar in chairs on a cushion; the Metropolitan of great Samtskhetia enters and sits below the Catholicos in chairs on a cushion; the archbishop of Samtavr enters and sits below the metropolitan in chairs on a cushion; the Abba of Alaverdi enters and sits he sits lower than Chkondidsky in chairs without pillows... " [Ioseliani, 1866, pp. 61-63; Natroev, 1990, p. 445]. Some bishops enjoyed privileges that, once granted by the tsar, were reserved for them for life. Thus, the bishop of Rustavi had the right to serve in Sakkos, and the bishop of Alaverdi had the right to wear a mitre with a cross (Ioseliani, 1866, pp. 169-170).

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among them was a cleric named Mitrofan, whose activities remained in the shadows. Georgian hierarchs with this name are practically unknown. In works on the history of religion and the church of Georgia, quite often lists of catholicoses, metropolitans, and bishops of different eras are given, but none of them contains the priest Mitrofan. Determining his identity and role in the history of the Georgian Church, as well as in the history of Georgian diplomacy, proved extremely difficult.

The history of Georgia's possessions in the 17th century is described in detail by participants of the Persian invasions, Russian ambassadors, Catholic missionaries, Western European travelers, etc. The results were various types of documents: letters, reports, article lists, essays. Some of them refer to the cleric Mitrofan, who was seen in Iran, then in Mingrelia, and who at different times was both Alaverdeli and Metropolitan. Thanks to the reports of Catholic missionaries living in Iran and Georgia to the Pope and the Congregation for the Promotion of the Faith, the "Message about Georgia" by the Italian traveler Pietro della Valle, the article lists of Russian ambassadors to the court of Levan II Dadiani, Priest Pavel Zakhariev and deacon Fedot Yelchin, it is possible to trace his life path. Comparing some historical and biographical facts, it becomes obvious that Metropolitan Mitrofan and Bishop Alaverdeli, mentioned in some documents of the late 20s and early 30s of the XVII century, are one and the same historical figure.

Metropolitan Mitrofan, according to the Russian ambassadors Yelchin and Zakhariev, was a native of the" lands " of Tsar Teymuraz I. 20 The attack of Shah Abbas I on 21 May forced many to leave Georgia. Mitrofan went to Mount Athos as a monk. According to the rules of the Iveron Monastery, a person taking vows was required to reach a mature age, "not before growing a beard" (Natroev, 1990, p. 259-260). Apparently, at that time Mitrofan was about thirty years old. He spent twelve years on Mount Athos, starting out as a simple monk ("chernets"), he went through a strict and harsh school of monastic life, then received the rank of metropolitan from the Patriarch of Constantinople Cyril 22.

Metropolitan Mitrofan returned to Georgia apparently in 1626 and became rector of the Alaverdi Cathedral (1626-1633). During his absence, Shah Abbas I ravaged Kakheti (1614-1616), destroyed and deported part of its population to Iran, 23 including

20 "...And by birth, Metropolitan Temrazazai of the land is Tufliz" " ...And at the table, the metropolitan told us: I am a native Georgian of the Temrazev land..."[Embassy of the deacon..., 1887, p. 331, 360].

21 G. Beradze believes that Shah Abbas I started military operations against Georgia in the autumn of 1613. [Materials..., 1988, pp. 14, 20, 21]. In 1615, Isakhan (Tsarevich Iesse), grandson of Tsar Alexander II and cousin of Tsar Teymuraz I, who grew up at the Shah's court and converted to Islam, was placed on the throne of Kakheti.

22 " Yes, the same Metropolitan Mitrofan was at the holy mountains for 12 years, and studied Greek literacy..."; " ... and I was in the holy twelve years and in cherntsy de I was tonsured there and the metropolitanate was given to me by the ordination of Tsargrad Cyril potriyarkh; and as de great Sovereign people of Azov took and in those de times Tsargrad Cyril Potriarch Turcene was thrown into the water, and Cyril de potriarch was righteous and holy "[Embassy of the deacon..., 1887, p. 331, 360].

Kirill Lukaris-Patriarch of Constantinople. Born in 1672 on the island of Crete, he studied at the Greek College in Venice and at the University of Padua; in 1621, he became Patriarch of Constantinople; at the behest of the Turkish Sultan Murad IV (1623-1640), on June 28, 1638, he was strangled, and his body was thrown into the sea.

23 The number of people hijacked to Iran from Kakheti was huge. According to the report of the Catholic monk Giusto Prato to the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith dated October 16, 1633, their number was 60 thousand people [Tamarati, 910, p. 480]. Malik Shah-Husayn Sistani writes that almost 30 thousand people were killed and almost 200 thousand were captured. Iskander Munshi's number of dead exceeded 60-70 thousand people, and the number of stolen prisoners-more than 100 thousand people. The prisoners were resettled "almost all over the territory of Iran, as a result of which Georgian colonies and settlements were formed not only in Mazandaran, but also in Gilan, Isfahan and its environs, Fars, Khorasan, etc." [Beradze and Smirnova, 1988, p. 70, 104]. A large Georgian colony was also established in Shiraz, where the captive Georgian Queen Ketevan, the mother of King Teymuraz I, lived with her retinue.

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some of Mitrofan's relatives. Around 1627, in the hope of freeing his surviving relatives from captivity, he went to Iran. There Metropolitan Mitrofan, according to him, spent time in theological conversations with the Shah himself. In the end, he managed to return the surviving relatives to their homeland along with three hundred tribesmen [Embassy of the deacon..., 1887, p.368-369].

Pietro della Balle's Account of Georgia, compiled in 1626, refers to Georgians whom he met in Iran. 24 Among these unfortunate people, who lived in poverty but remained faithful to Christianity, was the sister of Bishop Alaverdeli, who was married to the nephew of "the old and deceased Alaverdeli" [Vateishvili, 2003, p. 44; Zhordania and Gamezardashvili, 1994, p. 13, 353-354, 383]. The sisters of the former Alaverdeli 25 were also there. According to some reports of Catholic missionaries to Rome and the "Message" of della Balle, the remains of King Teimuraz I's mother, Queen Ketevan, who was executed by Shah Abbas I in Shiraz in 1624, were kept there.

The news of the death of the Georgian queen caught an Italian traveler in 1625 on his way to Basra 26 and greatly upset him. In his "Message", he wrote that she "courageously ended her life in the most severe torments, like a great martyr" (Zhordania and Gamezardashvili, 1994, p. 367). Motivated by political necessity and personal interest, Mitrofan's trip was sanctioned by Tsar Teymuraz I. The Metropolitan visited both Shiraz and Isfahan, which at that time was the capital of the Safavid state. You can guess that he was supposed to bring the remains of the queen, which were by that time in the hands of the Augustinian monks. The monks did not return the remains 27.

24 The famous Italian traveler Pietro della Balle (1586 - 1652) made a long journey to the countries of the East (1614 - 1626), but stayed the longest in Iran (1617 - 1623). In Isfahan, he became friends with Georgians and married a Georgian woman from a noble family (Tinatin Dziba), whom he called "Georgian Mariuccia"in the pages of his letters to a friend. In the summer of 1622, Pietro was in Shiraz, where he communicated with Queen Ketevan with the help of his Mariucci-Tinatin [Vateishvili, 2003, p. 30; Zhordania and Gamezardashvili, 1994, p.377-378].

25 Pietro della Balle met the sisters of the Metropolitan of Alaverd, distant relatives of Tsar Teimuraz I, in 1617. It was these women who asked him to take in a small Georgian woman whose father was killed in a battle with the Persians, and whose mother was killed in Iran (Natroshvili, 1978: 73, 81), and who became his wife a few years later. These sisters were named Nestan-Darejan, Tinatin, and Mariam (Vateishvili, 2003: 22, 44).

26 Pietro della Balle learned the news from the Dominican Vicar General of Armenia, Father Gregorio Orsino, whom he met in Basra, a port city at the mouth of the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers. This Dominican was in Persia shortly before the tragic death of Tsarina Ketevan and was delivering a detailed report on her death to the Pope "in due form" (Vateishvili, 2003, p. 53).

27 Catholic monks, using the remains of the Georgian queen as relics, hurried to her son, King Teymuraz I. They wanted to win the tsar's favor and encourage him to convert to Catholicism.

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From Iran, Metropolitan Mitrofan brought an icon of Queen Ketevan 28, which she could not part with during her lifetime. A votive inscription was made on the golden image of the Theotokos-Hodegetria, stating that the icon was commissioned by Tsarevna Ketevan in accordance with her request to God for the "protection" of her husband David 29. Metropolitan Mitrofan's involvement in the future fate of this icon is visible in its second insert inscription. It says that the icon was bought in Isfahan by the Alaverdi bishop Mitrofan, then it was "decorated" by David of Aragvi, 30 and later the ruler of Mingrelia Levan II Dadiani made a kiot (salary) and installed it in the Tsalenjikhi church. It is clear that Metropolitan Mitrofan was a contemporary of those events and that until 1633 he was Alaverdeli, and at the end of his life - rector of the Tsalenjikha church.

Metropolitan Mitrofan returned from Iran to Georgia at the very end of the 1920s of the XVII century and from that time was at the court of Tsar Teymuraz I in Gori. It was there that the remains of Queen Ketevan were brought by the Augustinian missionaries Ambrosio dos Anjos and Pedro dos Santos.

This is a time of active invasion of Catholicism on the Georgian land31, a fierce clash between representatives of the Catholic and Greek Churches.

After the arrival of Portuguese missionaries in Gori in May 1628, the remains of Queen Ketevan were briefly displayed in the temple. The miraculous healing of the faithful who came to her relics prompted Patriarch Zacharias and the Georgian Church to canonize the queen and establish a celebration of her memory on September 13.32 But the proclamation of Queen Ketevan as a great Martyr could only take place at a council convened on this occasion. Unfortunately, this fact is not reflected in the history of the Georgian Church. However, it is clear that the council took place. It is enough to recall how Nikoloz-Nikifor was in a hurry to come from Italy to Georgia. At the same time, Metropolitan Mitrofan also returned from Iran, bringing with him a precious icon of the Queen. It is clear that some important church event was being prepared in Gori. Since Catholicos Zacharias died in 1630, it is obvious that the queen's beatification could have taken place at a specially convened council around 1629-1630.

Metropolitan Mitrofan, being an Alaverdeli, was given special powers. It is very significant that the missionaries Arcangelo Lamberti and Giuseppe di Giudici, who came to Gori on behalf of the Pope on August 31, 1630, had letters of recommendation for Tsar Teimuraz I, Patriarch Zacharias, and Bishop Nikoloz-Nikephoros and Alaverdi (Tamarati, 1910, p. 510, 515, 521). Mitro-

28 This icon is described by M. Brosset [Brosset, 1850, p. 21] and E. Takaishvili [Ancient Georgia, pp. 227-228].

29 Queen Ketevan's husband, King David (1601-1602), was the son of King Alexander II of Kakheti (1574-1605). Sending his father to a monastery, he briefly seized power, but soon died under mysterious circumstances. Immediately after his return to the throne, Tsar Alexander II sent his daughter-in-law and her children as hostages to Iran.

30 The David of Aragva mentioned in the inscription was the brother of Zurab of Aragva , the first husband of King Teimuraz I's daughter, Princess Nestan-Darejan, who killed the Muslim king of Kartli, Simon. Although King Teymuraz I was able to unite Kakheti and Kartli under his rule, he did not forgive his son-in-law for the royal bloodshed. Some time later, on his orders, Zurab was killed, and the head was sent to the Shah in Persia (Vateishvili, 2003: 104-105).

After being widowed in 1631, Nestan-Darejan soon became the wife of Tsarevich (future King of Imereti) Alexander. Thus, the icon could have been decorated for the first time in 1630-1631, most likely before all these tragic events. And Levan II Dadiani could have made a kiot before 1657, i.e. before his death.

31 In 1633, Rome placed Georgia under the jurisdiction of the Catholic bishops of Isfahan, headed by Father Giovanni Taddeo (Tamarati, 1910, p. 524).

32 The date of her memory was determined by the Georgian Church not as the day of her death, but as the day when her remains were solemnly transferred to the Alaverdi Cathedral.

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Polit Mitrofan was extremely zealous about his duties 33. He was an ardent opponent of the establishment of Catholicism on Georgian soil. The first prefect of the Catholic mission in Gori, the Italian Theatine monk Pietro Avitabile, noted his bad, one might say, hostile attitude towards the Theatine monks who were there. In his letters to the Congregation, Avitabile asked them to send gifts to the metropolitan, who, as he noted, was ranked second in the church hierarchy of the country [Zhordania and Gamezardashvili, 1994, p. 28]. The missionaries considered him a strong personality and wanted to win him over to their side at all costs. But Alaverdeli was irreconcilable. He used every opportunity to discredit the Catholic monks in the eyes of the tsar and the common people, among whom they were very popular because of their healing abilities.

The events of 1633, i.e. the capture of Kartli by Tsar Rostom, forced Metropolitan Mitrofan to go to Mount Athos. He returned to Georgia in the late 1930s. According to the reports of the Russian ambassadors to the court of Levan II Dadiani Fedot Yelchin and Pavel Zakhariev, it is clear that Metropolitan Mitrofan came to Mingrelia around 1637-163834 and became abbot of the monasteries of the Most Holy Theotokos in Martvili and St. George in Ilori35. As Metropolitan of Chkondidi, he took part in all the important affairs of the Georgian Church.36 And even though he was originally from Eastern Georgia, and for some time was

33 Thus, according to a letter sent to Rome by Giacomo di Stefano, a missionary of the Theatine Order (February 1631), Alaverdi was extremely dissatisfied with the act of King Teimuraz I, who instructed Philip, a Greek who had recently arrived from Damascus, to write diplomatic letters (Tabagua, 1987, p.90).

34 In a private conversation with the Russian ambassadors Fedot Yelchin and Pavel Zakhariev (March 29, 1640), Metropolitan Mitrofan said several times that "I have been here recently", "I have been here recently and how I came to the Didian land", "how I came from the holy mountains to the Didian land" [Embassy..., 1887, pp. 360-361, 363].

35 In the article lists of Fedot Yelchin and Pavel Zakhariev, the monastery of the Most Holy Theotokos is designated as Morduli (Martvili) and Chondidi: "... and we came to the monastery of the Most Pure Theotokos in Morduli to see Metropolitan Mitrofan. And he met us Theodotus in the church in vestments with the gospels, then served mass himself; after mass he took us to his table."; "On the same day, we came to the Chon Didi Monastery to see Metropolitan Mitrofan. In that monastery there is a stone church, in the church of deisusa pismo staroe, you don't know the faces, but the local obrozy according to the rank: and the church in the name of the Most Pure Theotokos Odigitria..."; "On April 7, we went to the monastery of Chondidin from Metropolitan Mitrofan. The same number came to the Georgievsky monastery - the tovo of Metropolitan Mitrofan Destiyan" [Embassy..., 1887, pp. 328, 359, 366].

36 For a long time the head of the diocese of Chkondidel was attached to the tsar and was considered the first vizier and chancellor of the Georgian kingdom, but after the division of Georgia he became an ordinary metropolitan. Vakhushti wrote that Chkondideli on New Year's was "the king's first greeting card" and was also his mtsignobartukhutsess (royal scribe). On behalf of the tsar, he issued orders to churches and monasteries about the convocation of troops, about the needs of the church, and reported directly to the tsar. And during military campaigns, he went ahead of the troops, carrying an Honest Cross [Tsarevich Vakhushti, 1904, p. 13].

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As Bishop of Alaverdi and confessor of King Teimuraz I, he was also a respected man at the court of the ruler of Mingrelia.37
Even there, the Metropolitan continued to actively fight against Catholic missions, as the land of Odisha (Mingrelia) became a permanent refuge and stronghold for missionaries. Levan II Dadiani himself converted to the Catholic faith and recognized the Pope as the vicar of Christ and the successor of Saints Peter and Paul. Through his close friend and adviser, Father Giuseppe di Giudici, he sent a letter to the pontiff (reached Rome in 1644), in which he testified to his filial devotion and provided a "territorial state" for the needs of missions in his principality [Tamarati, 1919, p. 555]. M. Tamarashvili writes that " Metropolitan Alaverdeli, Georgian who was also in Gori and after the arrival of the Persians, went to Mingrelia ...having been brought up on Mount Athos, he was imbued with prejudice and hatred, which fed the Greeks against the Latins. He judged and defined missionaries by their scholarship, but he was also a great opponent of them in the field of faith... The fathers could do nothing to convert him to Catholicism, but they admired his stubbornness because of their zeal and kindness. In the end, he became not only their close friend, but also a great benefactor. He could no longer separate himself from them, because he liked very much to have theological conversations with them... " [Tamarati, 1910, p. 554]. At that time, there were six elders with valuable gifts: church vestments and a holy cowl, which, of course, were rejected by the metropolitan.38 Mitrofan had very serious problems with the rules of conducting church services, as the locals did not want to accept the unusual innovations introduced to them from the Holy Mountain. 39 He complained to the priest Pavel Zakhariev that their indignation led to the convocation of a council, at which he was reproached [Embassy..., 1887, p.361].

Metropolitan Mitrofan could have been the abbot of the Martvili (or Chkondidi) and Ilori churches until the early 40s of the 17th century, since another Chkondideli, Apakidze, is mentioned on the icon kept in Martvili in an inscription made in 1644 [Zhordania,

37 "...Levonti the tsar rode out from the courtyard about a verst and a half, and with him were the patriarch and Metropolitan (Mitrofan-N. B.) and bishops, but there were about 500 horsemen with him, and before him were carried the cross and the image of the Most Pure Theotokos..."[Embassy..., 1887, p. 331].

38 " Yes, last year, in the year 141, the Pope of Rome sent us six elders to be tempted; yes, he sent the vestments of the church and the vestments of the light to me, to the metropolitan, and told us so: that you have lost the Christian faith, Pope de as sent you to teach and confirm the faith" [Correspondence..., 1861, p. VI; Embassy..., 1887, p. 330].

39 The difficult political conditions of the Georgian people have developed a practical approach to the norms of the liturgical service (for example, the presence of a parishioner in the church with a gun). Naturally, there were certain deviations from the image of the Church of Constantinople, which led Russian priests into confusion. In addition, local national traditions left their mark on liturgical practice [Nakashidze, 1968, p.128; Shmerling, 1962, p. 26].

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1897, p. 456]. Sometime between 1641 and 1642, he moved to the Metropolitanate of Tsalenjihi, which he headed until the end of his life (1648).40 From the point of view of the church hierarchy, this official transfer was a significant decrease for him. However, according to Arcangelo Lamberti, a theater resident who lived in Mingrelia, the Metropolitan of Tselenjikha was higher in the hierarchy than the Chkondid monastery.

Quoting A. Lamberti, M. Tamarashvili writes the following about the last days of the Metropolitan:: ".. during his last illness, he called them (monks of the order of N. - N. B.) to his bedside, received communion with reverence, and after publicly declaring that he wanted to die overshadowed by the faith of the apostles Peter and Paul and gave up his Soul' (Tamarati, 1910, p. 554). But this story bears little resemblance to the truth. Most likely, in his book, A. Lamberti took a clear liberty when talking about a man who was well known in Rome as an ardent fighter against Catholicism. The missionaries did their best to hide from the fathers of the Congregation for the Promotion of the Faith that their work was not as successful as they had originally hoped.

* * *

So, three clergymen: Bishop Nikoloz-Nikifor (Cholokashvili-Irubakidze, Nikifor Irbakh), Metropolitan Nikifor of Kukoson, and Bishop Mitrofan of Alaverdeli were those "reasonable people" who faithfully served Tsar Teymuraz I. United by their common thoughts - their concern for the "Land of Temriaz" - they helped the tsar preserve Orthodoxy and oppose the Muslim world. However, the similarity of the names of the two Nikiforovs, the coincidence of some dates in the biographies of these priests, the lack of information about Mitrofan - all this led historians astray. The life and work of the named Metropolitan Nikephoros of Kukoson, Bishop Nikoloz-Nikephoros and Metropolitan Mitrofan in one case, Metropolitan Nikephoros and Metropolitan Mitrofan in another, and Bishop Nikoloz - Nikephoros and Metropolitan Mitrofan in the third were brought to a common denominator. Thus, G. Gugushvili unites all three, considering them as one person [Gugushvili, 1984, p. 196]. K. Kekelidze clearly distinguished the activities of Bishop Nikoloz-Nikifor and the Greek named Metropolitan kukoson-

40 In the western part of the chapel in Tsalenjihi, above the tomb of Levan II Dadiani, there is an inscription in mkhedruli: "Christ, I, Bishop Evdemon Jaiani of Tsalenjikha, painted the doors of the chapel in the name of our lord Dadiani Levan and for the repose of the soul of Queen Nestan-Darejan ...He is described in Chronicle 336 (1648-N. B.) "[Ancient Georgia, pp. 215-216; Brosset, 1850, p. 10;]. Evdemon Jaiani was a contemporary of Levan II Dadiani. This means that Levan was alive at the time of the chapel's painting, while Nestan-Darejan was already dead. There is also another votive inscription on the local image of the Mother of God made by this bishop, which testifies to his stay in Martvili until 1651 [Murav'ev, 1848, p. 254]. This is confirmed by the fact that by 1648 Metropolitan Mitrofan was no longer alive. The icon of Queen Ketevan, decorated with a kiot, which was mentioned above, was placed by Levan II Dadiani in Tsalenjihi, since the ancestral burial of Dadiani was located there, and the last owner of the icon, Metropolitan Mitrofan, was the bishop.

41 " Other bishops, of whom there are currently six, are subordinate to the Catholicos, as the other six sees have been converted into monasteries. Of the places that now have their own bishops, the first place is occupied by Dranda on the Kodora River, on the border with Abkhazia; ...Second place - Mokvi... The church there is also built in honor of the Virgin Mary and the bishop is called mokvisky. Third place is Bedia... there is a large church, also built in honor of the Most Holy Theotokos; the bishop is called bediysky; The fourth place is Cais, built in honor of the Theotokos (in the name of) - the bishop of Cais. Fifth place Chkalinjih in the name of Transfiguration. This is where the lords are buried. Its bishop is called chkalindzhikhsky. Sixth place is Chkondidi... the church was built in honor of the holy martyrs. Its bishop is called Chkondidi. The remaining episcopal churches, which previously had their own bishops, have now been transformed into abbeys" [Lamberti, 1913, p.218].

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St. Nikifor (Kekelidze, 1945) 42. Agreeing with the conclusions of K. Kekelidze, G. Zhordania and Z. Gamezardashvili believe that Tsar Teimuraz I sent the named Metropolitan Nikifor as his diplomatic representative to Russia, Iran and the Ottoman Empire (Zhordania and Gamezardashvili, 1994, p.44). But Metropolitan Nikifor could not go to Iran, as he arrived in Georgia only in 1635. Being part of two embassies in Moscow, he returned only in 1641, only to leave Georgia forever. G. Zhordania and Z. Gamezardashvili believe that the relatives of Bishop Nikoloz-Nikifor had the remains of Queen Ketevan [Zhordania Gamezardashvili, 1994, p. 374]. However, this is erroneous. The bishop in Iran had a brother, the famous military leader Kaikhosro Cholokashvili. But as a result of intrigues, he was killed by Tsar Teymuraz I in 1612, i.e., several years before the tragic events related to the death of the Georgian queen. Bishop Nikoloz-Nikifor could not be in Iran or Russia, as he returned to Georgia after a diplomatic tour of Europe only in 1629.

In addition, all this confusion was facilitated by amazing coincidences: the name Nikifor of the named Metropolitan of Kukoson and Bishop Nikoloz Cholokashvili-Nikifor Irbakh; the same number of years of stay in the Holy Places (Bishop Nikoloz-Nikifor was in Jerusalem in 1614-1626); the date of arrival in Gori (King Teymuraz in 1629 was simultaneously visited from the Russian Empire). From Europe, Bishop Nikoloz-Nikifor and from Iran, Metropolitan Mitrofan); departure from Georgia (in 1642, both the named Metropolitan Nikifor of Kukoson and Bishop Nikoloz-Nikifor left for Jerusalem). It is clear why the personality of Metropolitan Mitrofan remained in the shadows: his name (and even in two versions-Alaverdeli and Metropolitan Mitrofan), unlike the name of the two Nikiforovs, was much less often mentioned in sources.

Three hierarchs, three prominent personalities-Bishop Nikoloz-Nikifor Cholokashvili-Irubakidze, named Metropolitan Nikifor of Kukoson, and Metropolitan Mitrofan of Alaverdeli-influenced the events in Georgia, leaving a noticeable mark in the history of Georgian diplomacy.

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