Every Israeli schoolchild is familiar with the slogan "Anu banu Artsa livnot u-lehibanot!" ("We came to the country to build it and ourselves!"), with which the Halutzim (Jewish pioneers) threw themselves into the vicissitudes of settlement life and struggle. While public consent was almost complete in relation to the first task, the second became the object of many ideological, political and spiritual reflections and speculations.

Most simply, the two-pronged task of construction is interpreted in a religious sense: spiritual growth marks the ascent to the Land of Israel, where living and cultivating it is already a mitzvah, i.e. asceticism and a work pleasing to God. And if you study the Pentateuch and defend the Promised Land from the attacks of enemies, you can consider yourself a righteous person: this is how religious settlers treated their fellow tribesmen who remained in Galut 1-looking down on them, denying the spiritual and historical value of their experience.

It was even more difficult for the secular residents of the Jewish Yishuv2 to overcome the logical contradiction: ideological Zionism developed in Galut and was a direct reaction to European nationalism. Organizationally, Zionism also took shape outside of Eretz Yisrael, and all its leaders, beginning with Theodor Herzl and Chaim Weizmann, were European intellectuals who had to justify the arrogance and even more determined rejection of Galut on the part of secular Zionists than on the part of religious ones. Having erased about two thousand years from Jewish history, they felt like direct descendants of the Maccabees, put on sandals to better feel their land under their feet, and began to equip the Jewish Yishuv, which became for them the direct heir to the Jewish kingdom destroyed by the Romans. Having renounced their true kinship with their Galut ancestors, they were forced to create a mythical kinship - not only with the Maccabees, whose name is extremely popular in Israel. They created it with a pantheistic worldview and according to the classical canons of paganism, including kinship with nature, the spirit of the earth, the life-giving power of the sea, etc. In a poem written shortly after arriving in Palestine, Uri Zvi Greenberg (1896 - 1981) expresses this national vision:

Sun, sea coast. Jewish mothers
They lead children to the sun, to the sea,
To tanned, became red blood,
That faded in all the ghettos of the world.

(Greenberg U. C. "To children")

Moshe Shamir expressed this image even more directly and openly in the book "With your own Hands", dedicated to his brother: "Elik was born by the sea" (Shamir, 1979, p. 11).

1 Exile.

2 Collective name of the Jewish population of Eretz Yisrael (Palestine). It was used mainly before the creation of the State of Israel.

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Amnon Rubinstein makes a remarkable study of this phenomenon in his work "The End of the Sabra Myth"3: "The epic heroes of the writer S. Izkhar take root in the dried-up earth, without drawing from the springs of previous generations. They are in an endless transition age. For the mythological sabre, the transition age is convenient: it corresponds to his inability to rely on the image of his "father" and form his own human image" [Rubinstein, 1998, p. 96].

We've been through this before - we know where and when. In the 1920s. Soviet party leaders and cultural figures were also keen on the idea of forming a new personality and in this regard drew attention to the teachings of Z. Freud. Many of his works were translated into Russian and published in large print runs. "The philosophical basis of the idea of human transformation was laid not by Marx or Freud, but by Nietzsche. This is his romantic dream of a superman, from which logically followed contempt for the living man, the philistine and the philistine, his radical call for a reassessment of all values and his disregard for any evidence of reality were implemented in practice in the bureaucratic activities of the People's Commissariat of Education. The influence of Nietzsche on the Bolshevik consciousness remains an interesting question that has not yet been fully explored. Researchers have shown the transformation of Nietzsche's ideas in the works of Bogdanov, Lunacharsky and, of course, Gorky" [Etkind, 1993, p. 219]. Typical of the same period is the fascination of writers with the period of childhood and youth: Gorky writes "My Universities", Pasternak "Childhood Grommets", and in painting the Petrov-Vodkin boys become a symbol of the new era.

A. Rubinstein, perhaps, is in a hurry to bury the myth of sabra - if the intellectual elite "got over" this hobby in the 1930s-1940s, when European philosophical and literary samples were not far away, then in the mass consciousness and even in the education system of Israel, this myth later not only "flourished", but also took deep roots. Thus, Yisrael Segal (1995), describing the events of the Six-Day War, writes, asserting the author's position: "I am for galut... I am an anti-Canaanite." However, the hero of his book, Officer Sabra, expresses himself in a diametrically opposite way: "This war has completely and irrevocably erased from us the stain of Catastrophe, this spit that has been smeared on our faces since the great collapse of Europe. We have finally proved to the world that we have created a New Jew here. This is not a broken galut Jew who went to the death camps like a sheep to the slaughter" [Segal, 1995, p. 132].

It is probably necessary to explain what the term "anti-Canaanite" means and who Canaanites are. This was the name given to the ancient population of Asia Minor, which consisted of various ethnic components and professed polytheism with a different but similar pantheon. "Eretz Canaan" is more extensive than Eretz Yisrael - it is the area of Near East Asia from the border with Egypt to the Euphrates River, including Eretz Yisrael. The peoples of the so-called Fertile Crescent developed a rich polytheistic culture long before the conquest of Eretz Yisrael by Israeli tribes. Traces of it are reflected in the oldest layers of the Bible and found in archaeological excavations in the territory of Eretz Israel, in Syria, Turkey and Iran.

Of course, I. Segal opposes himself not to the ancient peoples of Canaan, but to the ideological trend of Knaanim, also known as" Ha-Ivrim ha-tseirim "("young Jews"). The ideology of this group of young Jewish intellectuals in mandatory Palestine was created on the basis of a repulsion from the Jewish religious tradition, which was identified with the psychology of Galut; Hebrew, a new nation emerging in Israel, was opposed to the Jews of Galut - Yehudim. New Nation, according to ideo-

3 Sabra is often referred to as a kind of Jewish "superman", a new spiritually healthy Jew who has become a kind of Zionist response to the ghetto mentality. The new myth was embodied by a Zionist, an Israeli. Sabra was considered good, the Diaspora Jew was considered bad. This myth was propagated by Zionists, many writers, and later by the Israeli Government. Recently, many Israelis with nostalgic faces bought a best-selling book called "Sabra Profile" (Tel Aviv, 2000), which was written by a young scientist and sociologist Oz Almog. This is a unique and outstanding pioneer study in this field.

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It was intended to be composed of natives of the country, regardless of their religion, as long as they were willing to consider themselves Hebrew, and not Arabs, Bedouins and the like, and immigrants who wanted to join the nation. They defined the ethnic territory of the new nation, in contrast to Eretz Yisrael, as Eretz Ever ("The Land of Hebrew"), and the cultural unity of the nation was to be formed on the basis of the civilization of pagan tribes and the Hebrew language. The movement was initiated and led by the poet Jonathan Ratos (1908-1981), and its most prominent supporters were the poet Aharon Amir (1923-1981) and the writer Binyamin Tammuz (1919-1989).

I. Ratosh (Uriel Shelach, the son of I. Halperin, a teacher who advocated the introduction of Hebrew into the educational system) was born in Warsaw; at the insistence of his father, he spoke Hebrew from childhood and in 1919 he came with his mother to Eretz Israel, where he graduated from the Herzliya Gymnasium; in 1929, Ratosh continued his education in Paris, where he studied at the University of Jerusalem. He met A. G. Haron (Adolf Gurevich), a linguist, orientalist and semitologist, a supporter of the Revisionist Zionists, whose scientific works and journalism present the main tenets of the ideology of Knaism. Thanks to him, Ratos apparently learned a number of propositions of the then popular Nietzscheanism in Europe: debunking monotheistic religions and revising their ethical teachings, turning to older mythologies with their Chthonic features, accepting the myth of eternal return, the concept of a superman designed to give the world new values, like prophets, philosophers and poets, the double morality of masters and masters. slaves.

After returning to Eretz Yisrael, Ratosh joined the revisionist maximalist wing, teaming up with Abba Ahimeir and Uri Zvi Greenberg. He published his materials in the newspaper Ha-Yarden, edited the newspaper Ba-Kherev ("Sword") - the organ of the underground organization ETZEL, in general, was a radical and militant nationalist-both in journalism and in poetry. Interesting is his position, presented in the poem " Al-het "("For sins"), dedicated to lovers-a man (Jewish people) and a woman (Eretz Israel): the poet writes about the man in the third person, and refers directly to the woman, reproaching her for " giving herself to any newcomer."

In 1938, under threat of arrest, Ratosh was forced to leave Israel again and settle in Paris, where on the eve of World War II, he completed the creation of the concept of a "new Middle Eastern nation". According to this concept, Judaism, Christianity and Islam suppressed the development of the ancient Canaanite culture, so the task of the Hebrew nation is to revive this culture in the guise of a modern secular European civilization in order to turn the Middle East into the cultural pearl of Asia. The obvious contradiction of the concept - the enrichment of Asian culture with components of European civilization - did not bother Ratos, just as his predecessors were not bothered by the eastern spirit of Dionysian culture, which they planted on European soil. In general, the first third of the twentieth century was characterized by a convergence and mixing of East and West, however, only on European soil - the real East still remained aloof.

If Ratosh began his career as a publicist and public figure as a militant Revisionist Zionist, then later, when the committee for the consolidation of young Hebrew writers was organized in 1940, attracting poets, writers, researchers and journalists, he was already on the positions of anti-Judaism and anti-Zionism. This aspect of knaanism was most clearly expressed by one of Ratosh's followers, the journalist and public figure Uri Avneri, who organized a group with N. Yalin-Mor "Peula shemit" ("Semitic Action"). The ideological difference between this group and the "young Jews" was that they imagined the State of Israel not as a single Hebrew nation, but as a federation of two nations - Palestinian Arabs and Jews, however, who also opposed themselves to Galut Jewry. The Knaanim, which had temporarily relaxed its political activities, resumed them in 1969, proposing to create a network of Hebrew-language schools for all non-Jewish residents of the territories outside the Green Line and to attract the population of these territories to serve in the Israel Defense Forces.

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Knaanim and Peula Shemit "covered" the entire map of Israeli politics-from the extreme right to the extreme left. This proves that Knaism, even if it temporarily positioned itself as a political trend, never really was one, just as Elena Blavatsky's theosophy and Rudolf Steiner's anthroposophy, both elite and widespread, were not political trends in Russia. These were currents of social thought, but they were also the basis for philosophical studies, literary works, and conflicts of human destinies. Israeli Nietzscheans-Knaanim-published the magazines "Alef", "Keshet", "Ha-olam ha-ze", "Etgar", in which they developed and promoted their ideas; through the study of new literature in Hebrew, they were able to introduce them into the educational system, as well as in Israeli art, especially fine arts.

A serious obstacle to the spread of the ideas of Knaanismbecame the communities of Jews from the East-Mizrahim and Sfaradim, called Sephardim in Israel. Not only did they retain a greater commitment to religion and tradition, but their socio - economic situation in the countries of exodus was often better than in Ashkenazi-led Israel. For this reason alone, it was difficult for the Sephardim to achieve a radical break with the past, renouncing their relatives and ancestors. At the same time, they have no large communities left in the diaspora. As a result, Eastern Jews in Israel found themselves on the periphery of the "new Jew"creation process. And they were reminded of this, and for a long time they were included in the backward, petty-bourgeois elements, not allowed to enter the high army posts and state posts, in the arena of political struggle. If Sephardic community leaders were nominated, they joined the ranks of militant oppositionists to the authorities - the "black panthers", but did not enter the political and cultural elite of Israeli society, at least until the mid-1980s.Therefore, Nietzscheanism appeared and was cultivated in Israel exclusively as a product of the secular Ashkenazi environment.

A change of homeland, name, social status, kinship, and value system creates a strong psychological strain-this applies to both the individual and the group. To change your European costumes and boots for sandals, shorts, capes and headbands from the time of the Hasmoneans, to call the poor stone land a mother, to which you can not get used to working, and at the same time not to feel like a mummer, but, on the contrary, to feel freedom and inspiration-this is the fruit of a heavy mental effort, during which not only gains, but also losses. Therefore, in the Jewish Yishuv and in the State of Israel, the work of psychologists has always been particularly important and noticeable. Psychologists work in schools and the army, in social services and in the career guidance system, in hospitals and boarding schools.

One of the most important areas of Israeli psychology is psychoanalysis, the founder of which in Eretz Israel was Max Eitingon (1881-1943)-one of Sigmund Freud's closest collaborators, a graduate of the philosophy department of the University of Marburg, a student of Hermann Cohen, who came to Palestine in 1933, shortly after Hitler came to power. Prior to his repatriation, Eitingon was director of the Berlin Psychoanalytic Institute, which he founded in 1920, with a polyclinic where psychoanalytic training procedures were practiced. In 1926, Eitingon was elected president of the International Psychoanalytic Association, financed a publishing house in Vienna that published Freud's works, association journals, etc. Back in 1909, Eitingon defended his doctoral dissertation at the University of Zurich, after which, however, he did not write a single clinical article, but only general publications [Remeniscences ofS. Rado..., p. 84]. However, Eitingon's organizational skills were highly appreciated not only by Freud himself, who introduced him to a group of close colleagues, but also by other psychoanalysts: on the occasion of Eitingon's fiftieth birthday, they sent him a congratulatory letter, in which they noted his "high merits", "constant courtesy and willingness to help" [Internationale Zeitchrift..., 1931]. The historian of psychoanalysis E. Rudinesco describes Eitingon as a" hero of the diaspora", an eternal wanderer, searching for the future.

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his fatherland: "In Zurich he was a crown prince, in Vienna a Berliner, and in Berlin he dreamed of Jerusalem. Everywhere he was Russian... Moreover, he was a Jew" (Roudinesco, 1989, p. 157).

In 1933, Eitingon founded the Palestine Psychoanalytic Society, which initially consisted of six members who had fled Germany and Austria, four of whom were natives of Russia (except for Eitingon himself, M. Wolf, I. Shalit and A. Smelyanskaya). In 1934, the society was recognized by the International Psychoanalytic Association, and Eitingon opened a Psychoanalytic Institute in Jerusalem, which was later named after him. He sought to create an analog of the institute in Berlin, which became not only a scientific center, but also the center of cultural life of the Russian-Jewish emigration. Eitingon presented a collection of psychoanalytic and philosophical literature to the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

Eitingon's organizational talent and international prestige (he was elected president of the International Psychoanalytic Association in 1929 and 1933), his friendship with 3. Freud, and not least the considerable funds he lavished on the dissemination of psychoanalysis, contributed to the growing popularity of Freudianism in the Jewish Yishuv. The institute provided assistance to anyone in need of psychotherapy, regardless of their ability to pay, and soon after the opening of the institute there were many patients [Electronic Jewish Encyclopedia. "Freudianism in Israel"...].

It should be noted that starting in the 1930s, Freudian ideas gained considerable influence in the Jewish Yishuv and later in Israel - they contributed, in particular, to the decision to coeducate boys and girls in kibbutz schools. In the 1970s, the influence of psychoanalysis was further strengthened by the appropriate training of school psychologists and the organization by the Psychoanalytic Institute of a three-year advanced training course for psychiatrists, psychologists and social workers. During the Six-Day War and the Yom Kippur War, the Psychoanalytic Society of Israel supported the army (Moses, 1998).

As in the rest of the world, psychoanalysis in Israel was divided into several trends, in particular, in the 1970s. appeared child psychotherapy. The fundamental differences between psychoanalysis (Freud) and psychotherapy (Jung) were gradually leveled off. The Psychoanalytic Society of Israel conducts seminars, inviting psychoanalysts from different countries of the world, in turn, Israelis actively participate in the activities of the International Psychoanalytic Association. In 1977, the International Psychoanalytic Congress was first held in Jerusalem, and the Center for Psychoanalytic Research at the Hebrew University was founded.

Max Eitingon was born in Mogilev, like his cousin Naum, who remained in Russia. Although Max studied and lived mainly in Germany, the brothers worked quite closely in organizing fur exports from the USSR. Eitingon had no income from the practice of medicine, and his psychoanalytic activities were financed by the family business, mainly from America. Given the state monopoly of Soviet foreign trade, it is clear that without a decision at the top, income from this business could neither be received nor spent. One of the leaders of the Soviet regime at that time was Leon Trotsky, who appreciated the prospect of psychoanalysis for the world revolution. Even after Trotsky was forced to descend from the top of power, he remained for some time chairman of the Glavkontsesskom, which controlled transactions with foreigners, and could still support Eitingon [Etkind, 1993, p. 297].

"The political connection of Russian psychoanalysts with Trotsky is underestimated in the Western literature devoted to the history of psychoanalysis. Our hypothesis about the dependence of the early Soviet psychoanalytic movement on Trotsky is, of course, supported not only by Trotsky's own public statements and references to him by Communist psychoanalytic enthusiasts. The historical framework of the movement clearly coincided with the zigzags of Trotsky's political career. Flourishing of the movement at the beginning

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1920s - the time of Trotsky's greatest influence. 1927 - the year of its fall-coincides with the flight of Moses Wolf and the stagnation of the Russian Psychoanalytic Society. The beginning of the 1930s, a time of cracking down on everything that reminded one of Stalin's rival - a time when all memory of the recent violent activity of Russian psychoanalysts was disappearing. In the ideological controversy of the late 1920s, psychoanalysts (and later pedologists) were often accused of Trotskyism. Indeed, some of the members of the Russian Psychoanalytic Society, such as the writer A. Voronsky or the diplomat and at one time vice-president of the Society V. Kopp, were prominent figures of the Trotskyist opposition" [Etkind, 1993, p.289].

Max's brother, Naum Eitingon, was one of the leaders of Stalin's NKVD and led many of its clandestine operations: in 1937, he organized the murder of former NKVD resident and defector Ignatius Reis in Switzerland; in the same year, he supervised the abduction of General Miller in Paris [Laqueur et al., 1998]; in 1938, he organized the murder of former NKVD resident Ignatius Reis in Switzerland. the murder of Trotsky's son Lev Sedov, and then, in 1940, the murder of Trotsky himself in Mexico [Nikandrov, 2005, pp. 100-108]. Subsequently, Naum Eitingon tested the effects of various toxic substances and poisons on prisoners of NKVD prisons, and at the end of 1953 he was arrested as a supporter of Beria [Izvestia, 31.07.1991]. After 12 years of imprisonment, he returned to Moscow and worked as an editor at the International Book publishing house.

The famous psychoanalyst's complicity in the crimes of the NKVD has been proven in at least one case - in the abduction of General E. K. Miller. It was organized by N. Eitingon, a former white general N. V. Skoblin, an agent of the Soviet NKVD and the German SD, and his wife, a popular singer in exile Nadezhda Plevitskaya. Skoblin and Plevitskaya repeatedly visited Max Eitingon's Berlin villa, where they met with the philosopher Lev Shestov, one of the central figures of the Russian emigration, and Aron Steinberg, the future leader of the World Jewish Congress. It should be emphasized that M. Eitingon managed to gather around him both the flower of the Russian emigration and many activists of the Zionist movement. His brother Nahum also often participated in literary, philosophical and artistic evenings at the villa in Tiergarten.

The historian J. R. R. Tolkien Dziak, who investigated this story, believes that Max Eitingon recruited Skoblin and Plevitskaya [Dziak, 1987, p. 30-31]. Dmitry Olshansky, a St. Petersburg psychoanalyst who wrote an article about Eitingon for the Gallery of Russian Thinkers, also believes that Max Eitingon was a Soviet intelligence agent. He refers to Plevitskaya's testimony in a Paris court that Eitingon "dressed her from head to toe" and financed the publication of two autobiographical books. Additional evidence is Plevitskaya's prison diary, discovered in the Bakhmetyevsky archive in New York: it records that Skoblin met the Bolsheviks in 1920 in the Berlin home of Max Eitingon. Finally, at the trial in Paris, as the main evidence against Plevitskaya, a Bible sent by Eitingon from Jerusalem and containing encryption codes was presented.

The motives and reasons for the collaboration of the scientist psychoanalyst M. Eitingon with the Soviet special services have not yet been fully disclosed. Perhaps his brother forced him to work off the money he received earlier, invested in the development of international psychoanalysis. In any case, M. Eitingon arrived in Palestine, having already received international recognition, and was received here with honor.

Books on the history of psychoanalysis have been published in Israel [Psychoanalysis..., 2003], but they do not contain details that compromise the "founding fathers", and this article is not written to blacken their memory. Nevertheless, it is necessary to look closely and impartially at historical figures in order to understand that the creation in the USSR of a "new man" - the builder of communism, who "has a fiery motor instead of a heart", as well as a" new Jew " in Israel, was not by chance accompanied by forgetting the facts of history, abandoning the heritage of the Galut ancestors and physically eliminating the "what is it-

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Whether it is the white General Miller or one of the leaders of the world revolution, Lev Trotsky, the commander of the ETZEL organization, Eliezer Giladi, or the head of international Zionism, Chaim Arlozorov.

Israeli society has developed an ambivalent attitude towards the Soviet Union and Russia (it is towards Russia, not with it, diplomatic relations have nothing to do with it, we are talking about the perception of the country in the mass consciousness, about its image). At the" beginning of the glorious days", when the Jewish Yishuv was being formed in Palestine and the" umbilical cord " had not yet been cut, the settlers felt like flesh from the flesh of Russia, feeling cultural continuity with it. Let us recall the Tolstoyite Aaron Gordon, the main ideologist of the kibbutz movement, who encouraged and prepared Jews to develop their native land: the Gordonia movement was based on the same principles on which the "Tolstoy" agricultural communes were built. The ultimate goal of the movement was not the creation of an efficient (especially commodity-based) economy, but the formation of a whole and versatile personality, the formation of a free and harmonious person. That is why A. Gordon refused to lead Kibbutz Dganiya - he wanted to work on the land in order to become akin to it, morally purify himself and draw spiritual strength from it.

In kibbutzim you can still find a lot of wonderful Russian books: for example, the bibliophile M. Poleshchuk collected almost all the books of the elite St. Petersburg publishing house "Academia". From the Hebrew translations of some works of English literature in the 1930s and 1940s, it is clear that they were made not from the original, but from the Russian translation. Strange for us, but quite natural for contemporaries, the chastushka sounded-the Israeli Chizhik-Pyzhik:

Dunya, Dunya ba le kibbutz,
Ba le kibbutz ve pogeshet halutz.
Dunya, Dunya, no shawls,
At ohevet cancer oti 4.

Such a mixture of Hebrew and Russian was then perceived as quite natural. The Russian origin of the leaders of the Jewish Yishuv and the Jewish state has not yet been rejected: creating an industry in Eretz Israel, Pinchas Rutenberg successfully used the experience of working at the Putilov plant. Yitzhak Shimshelevich (I. Ben-Zvi, the second president of Israel) built a wooden hut in the center of Jerusalem, which is still used as a conference hall of the Institute of Population of Israel named after I. Ben-Zvi. Shlomo Zalman Rubashov-Zalman Shazar, the third president of Israel-took the surname-an acronym based on the Rambam model, which demonstrates not only his scholarship, but also his level of pretension. Moshe Sharet (M. Chertok), Yigal Alon (Paikovich) - the list goes on.

As you know, on the crucial day of "kav-tet be November" (November 29, 1948), the Soviet Union was one of the first to support the proposal to create a Jewish state at the UN, which for a long time secured the grateful attitude of the young country. Israel then positioned itself not as an outpost of Western democracy in the Middle East, but as a state of liberated labor, a country of victorious socialism and true equality of all peoples. Equally important was the fact that the Soviet Union was home to the largest Jewish national community - the third largest in the world and the second largest in the diaspora-which drew attention to the USSR as a cultural center of world Jewry and a potential source of repatriation.

Over time, however, Israel's relations with the Soviet Union deteriorated dramatically. Divisions and contradictions were growing in Israeli society itself, and the conflict with its Arab neighbors was becoming more acute. In Israel's war of independence, the USSR was still neutral and probably sympathetic to Israel, but soon took a pro-Arab position and quickly turned from an ally to an enemy. Recall that the threat of the Soviet Union in Europe-

4 " Dunya arrived at the kibbutz and met a pioneer. Dunya, don't be a shawl, you only love me."

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The Six-Day War stopped the Israeli advance on Egypt. Nevertheless, focusing on the Western allies, Israel continued to closely monitor the situation in the USSR. In the 1970s, a school of studies of the Soviet state and society was formed in Israel, represented by well-known social scientists (Ya. Roi and T. Friedgut), historians (M. Confino and others), Slavists (V. Moskovich, D. Segal and others).

At the end of the 20th century, due to mass Russian-Jewish emigration, the USSR / CIS lost its significance as one of the centers of world Jewry. Although the main reasons for the emigration of Russian Jews were factors that pushed rather than attracted them to Israel, the level of expectations of Russian-speaking immigrants was quite high: religious Jews and Zionists expected to get into their national and religious environment, while everyone else expected to get into a relatively free, prosperous and safe country of the Western type. However, former Soviet Jews found themselves not in an idealized, but in a real Israel, where the main, and perhaps the only factor that unites diverse and often hostile groups of the population, is the Hebrew language.

The proud Sabras, who were brought up using psychoanalytic and psychotherapy methods, whose influence grew in the 1970s thanks to the appropriate training of school psychologists, justified their disregard for the "new immigrants" by saying that the Soviet experiment failed and the Zionist one succeeded. The Jewish state not only exists despite the Arab boycott and wars, but, on the contrary, is developing dynamically and successfully. In favor of Zionism and Israel, the results of the historic competition were evaluated by both native Israelis and many former supporters of the Soviet regime. Hope (Esther) Ulanovskaya, a former Soviet intelligence officer who immigrated to Israel at the age of seventy, met her friends on the kibbutz, who had left the Jewish town at the same time, but unlike Esther, went not to Moscow, but to Palestine. In the spacious and bright kibbutz dining room, she realized that life might not have been in vain if she had chosen the right path in her youth [Ulanovskaya, 1982, p. 5; Slezkin, 2005, p.442].

Of course, the vast majority of repatriates from the CIS were ordinary Soviet citizens - engineers and technicians, doctors, teachers, scientists, civil servants and cultural figures [Remennick, 2007, p. 25]. Regardless of whether they supported the Soviet regime or distanced themselves from it (as is well known, only a few came into open confrontation with the regime), perestroika and the associated experience of repentance separated them from their totalitarian past. Freedom of the press, open secret archives, the Memorial society, public controversy over the crimes of the totalitarian Soviet regime, and finally, the active participation of well-known journalists, cultural and artistic figures in these processes involved the majority of citizens of the USSR, primarily the intelligentsia, which included a significant part of Soviet Jews. One way or another, but many of them had to decide in relation to the past and present: films such as Tengiz Abuladze's "Repentance" mark a change of epochs.

Unlike the USSR, in Israel, the change of epochs occurs gradually, gradually. The history of the state is perceived by the mass consciousness as a continuous progressive movement based on continuity. At the same time, the political and ideological map of Israel has undergone radical changes over the past 30 years: in particular, at the turn of the century, the communist ideology of the Kibbutz movement quietly and imperceptibly disappeared. Supporters of post-Zionism and the so-called new historians from time to time try to impose on society a reassessment of the basic principles on which the state ideology is built. In this regard, there was a discussion about the Law of Return. Although the political elite pretends that the old life continues, it is not only ideological discussions that indicate the change of epochs: The crime rate in Israel has increased dramatically, and the level of education has declined, as has public confidence in political power.

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Once in Israel, many representatives of the post-Soviet intelligentsia found themselves in a situation of "deja vu": the atmosphere of Brezhnev's stagnant 1970s, the ideological cliches and pathos of officialdom, festive demonstrations and Jewish children greeting party leaders, finally, the same "heroes" discredited in the post-Soviet space, but still revered in Israel. The perception of native Israelis is different, because they have forgotten who they received, for example, the school of psychoanalysis from, but they have firmly learned that it is related to the progressive Western world. It is characteristic that in Israel psychoanalysis was initially conducted in German (the original language), in the 1960s - 1970s it switched to Hebrew, and by the 1990s, together with the Psychoanalytic Quarterly magazine, it was finally established in English. Although Russian-speaking immigrants were "exposed" to their closeness to the rest of the world and their involvement in the "evil empire", no one tried to take a swing at the evil itself - you will accidentally fall into one of the founding fathers.

"Eretz Ever" has set a number of difficult and not entirely legitimate barriers for repatriates who have "ascended" to it and are trying to join the Israeli culture. It is characteristic that sociologists attribute the language barrier and related problems to the main difficulties of adaptation of Russian-speaking immigrants in Israel; financial difficulties and housing problems are only in second place by a large margin [Remennick, 2007, p. 26]. This is in a country where whole groups of the population speak different languages (Arabic, Yiddish), and English is used almost everywhere. Let us remind you that even in the United States, where you can't take a step without English (except in areas with a compact Spanish-speaking population), ignorance of the language is not the main problem of adaptation [Komarova, 2002, pp. 137-141]. It can be assumed that the symbolic meaning of the Hebrew language significantly exceeds its real role in the process of acculturation of immigrants.

Another claim of native Israelis to their Russian-speaking fellow citizens is their alleged lack of experience in democracy and political culture - on this basis, the Israeli poet Dalia Ravikovich (and not only her) proposed delaying the participation of new Israeli citizens in political elections for several years. Note that such claims are not made to the followers of the famous Rav Kaduri, who received consecrated amulets for "correctly" voting in the Knesset elections: autochthonous Jews are not subject to criticism - they are "sons of the Land of Israel", and that says it all. The Land of Israel itself magically gives them the necessary qualities for success, and education and professional experience are only of secondary importance.

Mass Russian-Jewish repatriation to Israel began during the collapse of the Soviet regime, after the attempt to build a socialist society in the USSR failed and the vulgar sociologism of the Soviet era was finally discredited. Therefore, the encounter with relapses of the ideology of building a "new Jew" based on the disregard for the Soviet past of immigrants became an additional factor of cultural shock and alienation of the free-thinking and intellectual part of the Russian-speaking community. Israeli society needs a serious revision of the spiritual and ideological foundations of existence in the modern world - not only in order to become more attractive to Diaspora Jews, but also in order to overcome the crisis of spiritual values and ideals of Israelis themselves.

list of literature

Horowitz D. Blue and Dust: Generation of the forty-eighth - self-portrait (Thelet ve-avak: dor Tashakh-dukan atsmi). Jerusalem: Kether, 1993 (in Hebrew).

Grinberg, U. C. For children / / A. Rubinstein. From Herzl to Rabin and beyond. Minsk: MET Publ., 2000.

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