Liberalization and a certain democratization of the socio-political sphere, on the one hand, and the rise of Islamism, on the other, represent the most important trends in the socio-political dynamics of the Arab world at the beginning of the XXI century. As a result of the creation of modern democratic institutions in most Arab countries over the past decade^{, 1} part of Arab society is attuned to the perception of the democratic idea. At the same time, Islam continues to play a significant role, both in everyday life and in socio-political practice. Further successful democratization of Arab society is possible with the participation of the Islamic factor in this process. At the same time, each society: in Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, must find its own form of democratic structure that best corresponds to its historical experience.

The socio-political development of most Arab countries in the early twenty-first century was characterized by two important trends: the well-known liberalization and democratization of the state and socio-political sphere, and the rise of Islamism or political Islam, including its radical trend. The evolution of the Arab world is influenced by both internal phenomena specific to each country, as well as external factors caused by globalization and changes in the balance of power on the world stage that have occurred over the past two decades.

The integration of the Arab-Muslim world into world processes and its self-identification in the system of world civilizations largely depends on the results of democratic processes. According to the concept of A. Tocqueville (1805-1859), democracy is not only a certain form of organization of society, but also a corresponding process that takes place in it. J. Schumpeter and W. Rostow supplemented the concept of A. Tocqueville, emphasizing that the features of a developed democracy are filled with real content only in the conditions of an established civil society. Namely, with the active and conscious participation in the socio-political life of a kind of "critical mass" of citizens who have a certain level of intellectual and spiritual development, civic consciousness, education, appropriate mentality and political culture, as well as sufficient material security. If there are no such conditions in society, then, with the formal presence of all state-democratic institutions, such a regime can remain authoritarian with elements of "managed" or "quasi-democracy", which is to some extent the case in the Arab world.

Unlike the developed civil societies of Western Europe and the United States, Arab society is quite traditional and not so structured in class and social terms

¹ Bicameral parliament, multi-party system, general election system, relatively free press.

the plan. It is mostly mosaic, with features of clannishness, confessional, ethnic, tribal and patriarchal ties. At the same time, it is necessary to take into account that, as the American researcher J. R. R. Tolkien emphasizes, According to Esposito, the Muslim world, unlike Western countries, "because of centuries of European colonial rule, had only a few decades to perceive what in the West was the product of long processes that included the Enlightenment, the Reformation, the Counter-Reformation, the French and American Revolutions" [Esposito, 2002, p. 267]. At the same time, as a result of the creation of modern democratic institutions in the last decade and the development of economic reforms, a social stratum of citizens capable of embracing the ideas of democracy has formed in Arab society. At the same time, Islam continues to play a significant role in the Arab world, which is a regulator of daily life and socio-political practice for the majority of the population, including to a sufficient extent for the above-mentioned stratum of democratically minded citizens. Along with this, the key idea of the Islamic faith, as the prominent Russian orientalist V. V. Naumkin rightly notes, is "the idea of justice and equality, the creation of a public system of income redistribution through zakat, sadaqa and other mechanisms" [Naumkin, 2008, p.690].

At the same time, the development of globalization, the international division of labor, and economic reforms in Arab countries had a negative effect on the stratification of society and the aggravation of socio-economic problems, which, along with Westernization, were perceived by many Muslims as alien phenomena and imposed by the West. Therefore, the rise of Islamism can be described, using the conceptual apparatus of A. Toynbee, as a kind of response of Islamic civilization to the challenges of the modern world. To a sufficient extent, Islamism is also a form of social protest of the poor in conditions of socio-economic crisis and a way to convey their demands to the authorities in the absence of democratic channels of expression or their dependence on the authorities. In the current socio-political processes in the Arab countries, the legal Islamist opposition, as the French researcher F. Burga confirms, is able to speak "the language of political protest, in which democratic demands can be expressed" [Cit. by: Sapronova, 2008, p. 95]. Islamism as a phenomenon of Arab-Muslim social thought reflects the mood of a part of Muslims who consider the preservation of the Islamic religion, culture and historical traditions an indispensable condition for the further successful development of society. It should be noted that in the early 2000s in the Arab countries there was an increase in attention to Muslim identification and the politicization of Islam, especially among young people. Moreover, this process is not only religious, but also cultural and socio-political in nature. This phenomenon can be described as a kind of response of the "Arab street" to some elements of Islamophobia, manifested in cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad published in a number of European newspapers, unsuccessful statements about Islam by the Pope. Deeper reasons include the military and political pressure of the West and, above all, the United States, which manifests itself in the constant support of Israel in the Arab-Israeli conflict, the invasion of Iraq, as well as in the Lebanese, Afghan, and Iranian crises. Part of the youth of Arab countries is politicized and is keenly interested in political events taking place in the world, which is facilitated by the spread of cable television and the Internet, and it is young people who suffer most from unresolved internal socio-economic problems, especially unemployment.

As for the terrorist groups of radical Islamism, they are declaring jihad against the "new crusaders", i.e. the Western countries led by the United States, which, according to their statements, are waging a"war against Islam". Radical Islamist leaders also aim to create an "Islamic state" through jihad. Moreover, they consider moderate Islamists who do not share their views to be "infidels".-

It should be noted that in Arab countries, radical Islamists are not associated with Islam in any way, they are not considered Muslims and are simply called "terrorists" ².

In Algeria, after the rejection of "national socialism" and a one-party totalitarian system by its leadership in the late 1980s, a broad democratization of social and political life was carried out, which no other country in the Arab world has ever known. At the same time, Algeria, in the context of a growing systemic crisis, faced the phenomenon of a widespread Islamist movement, which was structured into the most popular political party, the Islamic Salvation Front (IFS) [Dolgov, 2004, p.40]. In the first alternative parliamentary elections in the history of independent Algeria, in 1991, almost half of the electorate voted for the IFS. However, the intervention of the army did not allow the FIS to legitimately come to power, which significantly contributed to the radicalization of the Islamist movement and provoked a long armed confrontation between radical Islamists and the authorities. Active from 1992 to 1999, it brought Algeria to the brink of civil war. The fight against some groups continues to this day.

The Algerian leadership, led by A. Bouteflika, who was elected President in 1999 and re-elected in 2004, has largely suppressed extremist forces and set about restoring civil harmony in Algerian society. In 2005, a national referendum approved the "Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation", which allowed those who were involved in terrorist groups to return to peaceful life.

As for the Algerian economy, GDP growth was 4-6% per year, although this rate slowed down slightly in 2006-2008. [http://www.algerianembassy.ru 19.03.2008]. Moreover, along with the traditional oil and gas industry, sectors related to high technologies, such as information technology, nuclear energy, and space research, are developing quite successfully.

However, it is necessary to recognize that the severity of socio-economic problems persists. First of all, this is unemployment, which, despite its significant decrease compared to 1999 (then it was about 29%), reached 11.8% in 2007 (this is the average figure for Algeria, there are regions where it is higher). The ongoing social stratification provoked protest demonstrations in major Algerian cities in the spring and summer of 2008. Referring to the global financial crisis that broke out in 2008, the Algerian Finance Minister stated that "the impact of the crisis is reflected in the global economic recession, depressed demand and falling crude oil prices, which leads to a decrease in state budget revenues. At the same time, thanks to the established stabilization mechanisms (in particular, the special Regulatory Fund), Algeria will not experience any difficulties in financing the socio-economic development plan for 2009-2014" [La Liberte, 29.01.2009]. This plan provides, in particular, for the creation of more than 400 thousand new jobs.

Despite the difficulties and contradictions, the democratic transformation continues. This was confirmed by the election of candidates from 21 political parties to the National People's Assembly (NPA), the lower house of the Algerian Parliament, in the last parliamentary elections held on May 17, 2007. They represent different strands of the Algerian political spectrum-from left-wing socialist Trotskyist to moderate Islamism, which is fairly well represented in Parliament (by three political parties). Two of them, the Peace Society Movement (HOME) and Nahda (Revival), are part of the presidential coalition and fully support the government's course. The DOM party has sufficient political weight (on the territory of the Russian Federation).

² The term "Islamism" has virtually no equivalent in Arabic; it is a Latin-based term used in French-language publications in the Maghreb countries. Similarly, the term "Wahhabism", which is widely used in the Russian Federation, is not used in the Arab world, as well as in European and American publications.

parliamentary elections of 2007 she won 51 parliamentary seats). Along with the largest Algerian parties, such as the National Democratic Union (NDO) and the National Liberation Front (FLN), which have 62 and 136 seats out of 389, respectively, it forms the basis of the presidential coalition in the NPA [http://www.apn-dz.org 08.04.2009]. The third Islamist party, the Movement for National Reform (DPR), which won 3 parliamentary seats, is in opposition to the government's course and stands for "preserving traditional Islamic values."

Former leaders of the IFS, which was dissolved by a judicial decision in 1992, publicly declare their desire to "contribute to the democratic development of Algeria". In turn, well-known ex-leaders of radical Islamists who took advantage of the amnesty appealed in 2009 to members of extremist groups that continue the terrorist "jihad", with an appeal to "lay down their weapons and contribute to the revival of Algeria." We are talking about such prominent figures of radical Islamism as the founders of the Salafi Group for Preaching and Struggle (SGPD) Hassan Khattab, Abu Omar Abd al-Baer, Abu Zakariya, Mussab Abu Dawood, as well as the former "national Emir" of the Armed Islamic Groups (VIG) Abd al-Haqq Layyad. Moreover, his speeches in support of the presidential course cost the latter several attempts on his life. It can be stated that moderate Islamism is sufficiently integrated into the socio-political life of Algeria and into the democratic processes taking place in Algerian society. The most well-known parties that make up the parliamentary opposition are the Workers ' Party (PT), which acts from the left-wing socialist (Trotskyist) positions, the Union for Culture and Democracy (OKD) party, which reflects the interests of the Berber population, the Front of Socialist Forces (FSS), the oldest Algerian Social Democratic Party, which also reflects the interests of the Berbers.

In November 2008, the Parliament approved a bill put forward by the National Organization of Mujahideen (Veterans of the National Liberation Struggle of 1954-1962), the Forum of Business Leaders (the largest organization of representatives of Algerian business, which unites managers of both public and private enterprises), the Speaker of Parliament and the Prime Minister, to amend the Constitution of Algeria. They provided, in particular, the possibility for the current president of the country to run for a third mandate. In the April 9, 2009 presidential election, Bouteflika won a landslide victory, winning 90.24% of the vote (74.54% of the total number of voters participated in the election). [El Moudjahid, 10.04.2009]³. At the same time, some fairly influential opposition parties, namely the FSS and OKD, boycotted the presidential election. Thus, the head of the OKD, Said Saadi, and the former Secretary General of the FLN, Abd Al-Hamid Mehri, declare that "there is no true political pluralism in Algeria, but only a "facade of multiparty", " which to a certain extent corresponds to reality [http://www.ffsl963.unblog.fr/2009/02/15].

Much the same processes took place in Tunisia: "managed" democratization and the rise of the Islamist movement against the background of the socio-economic and political crisis in the late 1980s.However, there was no long-term armed confrontation between radical Islamism and the authorities. A distinctive feature of Tunisian society was that after the country's independence (1956), at the initiative of the first President of Tunisia, Habiba Bourguiba (1903-2000), a radical secularization was carried out, which no other Arab country has ever known. At that time, there were

³ Along with A. Bouteflika, five other candidates were running for the highest state post. Namely, the general secretary of the Workers ' Party, Louise Hanoun, who took the second place after Bouteflika (4.22%), the chairman of the National Front of Algeria Moussa Touati (2.31%), the leader of the moderate Islamist Movement for National Reform party, Jahid Yuney (1.37%), the chairman of the Ahd party-54 (Oath-54) Ali Fawzi Rebain (0.93%) and Muhammad Said, who was nominated as an independent candidate (0.92%).

The legal and social foundations for Tunisia's secular development have been laid. At the same time, secularization, which was not supported by an increase in the standard of living of the main social groups, caused resistance from a part of the population that was inclined to support Islamists in the late 1980s. However, during the reign of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali (since 1987), Tunisia has made significant progress in both economic development and democratic transformation. So, on average, for the period 2000-2005, Tunisia's GDP per capita was $ 2,321. USA (94th place in the world). For comparison, in Algeria-for the same period of 1978 dollars. (103rd place), in Morocco - $ 1,390 (135th place), in Egypt - $ 1,356 (133rd place) [Vidyasova, 2008, p. 96].

Currently, there are nine political parties operating in Tunisia, six of which, led by the largest and most influential Democratic Constitutional Association (DCO), which is headed by the President of Tunisia, officially participate in the elections of executive and legislative authorities. One of the first laws passed after Ben Ali came to power was the Law on Political Parties. An important feature is the obligation of the Minister of the Interior to apply to the court in the event of a decision to dissolve a political party, whereas in the previous Law on Associations (1959), such a procedure was optional. A significant political event in Tunisia was the presidential and parliamentary elections held in 2004. They were preceded by changes to the Tunisian Constitution made in 2002 and approved in a national referendum. According to these changes, the lower house of the Tunisian Parliament, the Consultative Council, was formed. At the same time, restrictions on the re - election of the President for the next term were abolished and the age limit for a presidential candidate was increased (up to 75 years), which allowed the current President Ben Ali (born in 1936) to run as a candidate and be elected to the post of President for a fourth term (2004-2009).

President Ben Ali is a staunch opponent of Islamism, which is why moderate Islamists in Tunisia, unlike Algeria, have been excluded from political life and do not have political parties since the late 1980s. At the same time, Ben Ali confirms that Tunisia belongs to the Arab-Muslim world, he regularly visits the mosque, all his speeches begin with the Muslim formula "In the name of Allah, the Merciful, the Merciful", which was not the case during the time of his predecessor H. Bourguiba. At the same time, Muslim competitions are constantly held in Tunisia (for the best reciter of the Koran, etc.), there are Muslim public educational and charitable organizations that do not set themselves political goals and see their task as improving public morals through the dissemination of Quranic knowledge, Muslim moral and ethical norms and charitable activities. In recent years, Tunisia, as in other Arab countries, has seen a certain increase in the influence of Islam. This manifests itself in a variety of ways. For example, some Tunisians see girls in hijabs appearing on the streets of Tunis as " clouds that portend a thunderstorm." Political scientist Professor Kalifa Shater, vice-president of the Tunisian Association for International Studies, called this phenomenon "dormant Islamism"in an interview with the author of these lines. As for the political course of President Ben Ali and democratization in Tunisia, there are mixed opinions on this issue in the West and in Russia. Along with the characteristics of" an oasis of calm in the Arab world "and" the Tunisian economic miracle "given by Jacques Chirac, French researchers M. Camot and V. Jeisser characterize Ben Ali's policy as an "authoritarian syndrome" [Cit. by: L'Express, 23.10.2003, p. 24].

Indeed, it is premature to talk about genuine democratization in Tunisia. President Ben Ali has been in power since 1987, i.e. four mandates, and his ruling group pursues its political course, largely relying on the repressive regime of the United States.

device ⁴, which, admittedly, happens in almost all Arab countries. Nevertheless, Ben Ali maintains a fundamental continuity with the political legacy of the first President of Tunisia, H. Bourguiba, and at the same time confirms the Arab-Islamic identification of Tunisia. At the same time, Islamism as a phenomenon of Muslim social thought has the least impact on political life in Tunisia compared to other Arab countries. Ben Ali harshly pursues any manifestations of extremism and maintains the image of a charismatic leader, which is also important for Arab-Muslim society. All these factors contributed to the fact that a number of political parties, led by the DKO, nominated the incumbent President for the fifth mandate in the presidential elections to be held in Tunis in November 2009.

In the Kingdom of Morocco, the spread of Islamist ideology also occurred against the background of worsening socio-economic problems, to a certain extent even greater than in neighboring Arab countries. King Mohammed VI, who came to the throne in 1999 after the death of his father King Hassan II, tried to change the situation and carried out a number of rather important political and administrative reforms in order to boost the economy and democratize the country's socio-political life. In February 2004, a new Family Code came into force, granting more rights to women. More freedom and opportunities were given to political parties. At the initiative of the King, a commission was established to investigate human rights violations that took place during the reign of King Hassan P. Mohammed VI, to a certain extent, committed a "revolution from above". It affected all branches of the State apparatus, including the army and law enforcement agencies.

Along with this, the religious sphere has undergone a rather serious reorganization. Registration of all mosques in the kingdom (about 42,000) was carried out, and those that were established without the official approval of the Ministry of Religious Affairs and where the so-called self-proclaimed imams preached were closed. Local councils of imams, also approved by the Ministry of Religious Affairs, were formed in the provinces. Their task was to control the conformity of the sermons of local imams with the classical dogmas of Islam, in order to prevent the promotion of radical Islamism [Le Point, N1882, 9.10.2008, p. 53]. It should be noted that similar measures were taken in Algeria and Egypt even earlier in the 1990s. Moderate Islamism in Morocco, its attitude towards the authorities and their ongoing liberalization and democratization, can be defined as constructive opposition, reflecting mainly the interests of the poor. At the turn of the 1990s and 2000s, there were about two dozen Islamist organizations in Morocco, most of which represented moderate Islamism. The most famous are the Justice and Development Political Party (AKP), the Islamist movement Justice and Benevolence, the socio-political Association of Islamic Youth, Reform and Unity, Reform and Renewal.

The most influential movement among the conservative part of Moroccan Muslims who profess Islamist ideology was the Justice and Benevolence movement, founded in 1985. The movement aims to build an Islamic state based on "the foundations of authentic Islam", but nevertheless stands for the inviolability of the foundations of the monarchy.⁵ At the same time, there was a radical trend in the movement, representatives of

⁴ As you know, President Ben Ali himself previously served as Interior Minister and was the head of the Tunisian security services.

⁵ The King of Morocco holds the titles " Lord of the faithful "("Amir al-muuminin") and "Vicegerent of Allah on earth" ("Khalifa Allah fi l-ard") and is thus the spiritual head of Moroccan Muslims. In addition, the Moroccan royal lineage goes back to the family of the Prophet Muhammad, and members of the royal family are considered descendants of the Prophet, which adds to the respect and reverence for the royal dynasty on the part of Muslims.

they advocated replacing the power of the monarch with the council of Ulema, and therefore Justice and benevolence were subjected to repression by the authorities. The movement's head, Abd al-Salam Yassin (born 1927), is the most respected and influential leader of Moroccan Islamist organizations. As for the AKP, it mainly supports the government's policy of modernization and liberalization, including the development of modern democratic institutions. The AKP won ⁴⁶ seats in the last parliamentary elections in 2007.6 The association of some leaders of the Civilizational Alternative party and the Movement for Ummah association with extremist Islamist groups that have been legally active since 2005 has negatively affected the possibility of further integration of moderate Islamism into democratic processes. This circumstance provoked a controversy in Moroccan society in 2008 about the possibility of Islamist movements to participate in political life in principle. At the same time, the Moroccan leadership is taking steps to address the root causes of extremism, i.e., to address socio-economic problems and reduce the number of the poor. In particular, it is planned to create social infrastructure, create educational institutions, open new jobs and gradually eliminate bidonviles7.

In Egypt in the "zero years" of the XXI century. as in the neighboring Arab countries, a certain liberalization of social and political life was carried out. In September 2005, Egypt held its first presidential election under the new alternative system. Ten candidates representing various political parties participated in the presidential election, including incumbent President Husni Mubarak (born in 1928), who, as expected, won an impressive victory (88.5% of the vote) and was re-elected for the fifth presidential mandate [Al-Ahram al-yaum, 10.09.2005]. Nevertheless, there is a mixed assessment of the progress and results of both the presidential and parliamentary elections held in November-December 2005.

Along with such definitions, given mainly by the Egyptian and Arab press, as "an important milestone on the road to democracy", skeptical comments were made, in particular, about the large percentage of votes cast for H. Mubarak (and Mubarak's overwhelming advantage was announced already on the day of voting). Middle East researcher Hugh Roberts called the 2005 presidential election a "fake democratic spring" [Cit. by: Jeune afrique/L'intelligent, 2005, N 2336, p. 32]. Perhaps it is too early to talk about real democracy in Egypt, since all power in the country is concentrated in the hands of the president and the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) headed by him. As a result of the parliamentary elections, the NDP won a well-expected victory, gaining 336 seats out of 444. At the same time, the secular opposition parties with liberal-democratic positions, which tried to organize a single bloc, suffered a clear defeat (the most influential parties were Al-Gad (Tomorrow) and Kifaya (Enough!), which managed to get only 14 seats. The Muslim Brotherhood was fairly successful, winning 88 seats (compared to 17 in the previous Parliament), despite government pressure and crackdowns on pro-Brotherhood demonstrations that took place in various cities in Egypt, resulting in deaths among demonstrators. It should be noted that the success of the "Brothers" in the parliamentary elections was due, among other things, to their criticism of the PRA-

⁶ Out of a total of 325.

⁷ For this purpose, a special coordinating State body "Omrane" ("Urbanisation") has been established, which builds 70,000 "social dwellings"a year. A project has been developed to eliminate Sidi Moumen, one of the largest bidonvilles in the vicinity of Casablanca, notorious as a hotbed of Islamist extremism, where about 300 thousand of the poorest residents live. In its place, social infrastructure facilities will be created, including a stadium with 70 thousand seats. It is also planned to create "free economic zones", in one of which, located near the cities of Rif and Tangier, 254 enterprises were opened and 26 thousand jobs were created.

a government policy that, according to their statements, is not able to overcome the socio-economic crisis that the country is experiencing.⁸

As far as the political goals of the Muslim Brotherhood are concerned, they do not contradict generally accepted democratic norms, judging by their official program, which was developed in 2004 and confirmed in the main points in 2008. The head of the Muslim Brotherhood Mahdi Akef, clarifying the strategic objectives of the association, stated:: "We strive for the formation of a Muslim society that is inherently democratic and guarantees pluralism of opinions and an alternative change of power" [Cited in: Jeune Afrique/L'intelligent, 2005, No 2345, p. 59]. In this regard, it can be noted that despite the attempts of the authorities to weaken the Muslim Brotherhood, after the success in the parliamentary elections, they became a real and, due to the weakness of other opposition political forces, the only opposition to the ruling regime. The new generation of the Brothers ' leadership, including those elected to parliament, consists mostly of representatives of the scientific, technical and humanitarian intelligentsia, many of whom have higher education and speak foreign languages.⁹ A part of Egyptian society, including opposition public and political figures, supports the Brotherhood and gives them the right to participate in political life along with other parties. At the same time, Omar Ali Hassan, director of the Cairo-based Center for Middle East Studies, said that "to become a real alternative political force claiming power, the Muslim Brotherhood must actually confirm that it will fully respect democratic principles." [http://www.weekly.ahram.org.eg 02.05.2006].

The Egyptian authorities, in an effort to demonstrate their democratic "image" to world public opinion and, above all, to the United States, in 2006 released more than 450 Brotherhood activists, who were detained mainly during the parliamentary elections in the fall of 2005. [Dolgov, 2007, p. 27]. At the same time, the United States, for its part, intended to establish contacts with the "Brothers" as with "new members of the Egyptian parliament." However, subsequent events, in particular the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in the summer of 2006 and the military action of the Israeli army in the Gaza Strip in December 2008-January 2009, led to the radicalization of the position of the "Brothers", who strongly condemned the military operations of Israel and the United States that supported them. Egypt, as well as other Arab countries, was negatively affected by the increase in world food prices in 2007-2008 and the global financial crisis that began in 2008, which provoked protest demonstrations and strikes.¹⁰ Nevertheless, the Egyptian leadership has taken a number of measures to improve the socio-economic situation. In particular, the incomes of public sector employees were significantly increased ¹¹, and prices for basic foodstuffs were stabilized [http://www.ahram.org.eg/Index.asp?CurFN=fron3.htm&DID=9645 16.07.2008].

An important event in Egypt's political life was the fourth and Fifth annual Congresses of the ruling National Democratic Party, held in November 2007 and November 2008, respectively. Gamal Mubarak, ^the youngest son of the President, spoke at them12

⁸ The territory of Egypt is just over 1 million square kilometers, of which less than one-third (mainly the Nile valley and delta) is suitable for life and economic activities, the rest is a desert plateau. Along with this objective factor, the aggravation of socio-economic problems is caused by a slowdown in economic growth along with a rather significant demographic growth (2.1%), high inflation and, accordingly, rising prices (in 2003 by 40%), progressive unemployment, which is more than 11% of the working-age population.

⁹ The official emblem of the Muslim Brotherhood has also changed. The well-known two crossed sabers are replaced by two hands joined in a handshake over a green shoot growing out of the ground.

¹⁰ According to trade unions in Egypt, 580 strikes were registered in 2007.

¹¹ For example, in the healthcare sector, salaries have more than doubled since July 2008.

¹² Gamal Mubarak (born 1963) after graduating from Saint Georges College in Cairo, he entered the American University in Cairo, where he graduated in 1982 with a degree in enterprise management. Then he worked for five years in the Egyptian branch of Bank of America and for another six years in its London branch, where he specialized in working with bank investments. With several of his colleagues, Mr Mubarak set up in London

The President of Egypt, who is the Deputy Secretary General of the PDP, announced a long-term program for the socio-economic development of Egypt for 15 years, including, in particular, the development of nuclear energy, and aimed at "implementing the principle of social justice". At the same time, Mubarak stated that "the PDP is a party that represents the interests of all Egyptians, not just entrepreneurs" [Al-Ahram, 3.11.2008]. As a further development of democratic principles, the Fifth Congress of the PDP proposed giving local provincial councils the right to make requests to the provincial governor, and also took the initiative to create 56 additional seats in the People's Assembly (the lower house of the Egyptian Parliament) specifically for women deputies. At the same time, it was proposed to create a financial and economic system to protect citizens ' personal savings from the consequences of the international financial crisis, the so-called personal savings parachute, in accordance with "Sharia law, as well as with the teachings of the Christian Church." At the same time, the V NDP Congress emphasized the need to "fight poverty as a priority task of the country's leadership" [Al-Akhbar, 3.11.2008, p. 24]. President Mubarak confirmed and detailed the country's main development directions in his address to the nation on July 23, 2008, on the occasion of the 56th anniversary of the 1952 Egyptian Revolution, stating that " Egypt will take further steps to strengthen democracy, market economy, and implement social justice in the distribution of the results of national development among all citizens." Egypt " [http://www.ahram.org.eg/Index.asp?CurFN=fronl.htm&DID=9652 23.07.2008].

Most of the Egyptian establishment sees Gamal Mubarak as an uncontested candidate for president of Egypt in the next presidential election in 2011. In March 2007, the Egyptian Parliament approved 34 amendments to the Egyptian Constitution that remove some of the pre-existing formal legal obstacles to the official nomination of Mr. Mubarak to the highest office. Also, in accordance with these amendments, the law on the state of emergency, which has been in force since 1981, will be replaced by a new law on combating terrorism, which provides, in particular, severe penalties for belonging to terrorist groups, distributing and even storing Islamist literature of a radical nature. At the same time, the ban on political activities of the Muslim Brotherhood is confirmed, which, despite their sufficient popularity, largely reduces the chances of the Brothers to participate in the 2011 presidential campaign.

Saudi Arabia occupies a special place among the Arab countries, firstly, because of its authority and influence as the center of the Sunni Muslim world and the guardian of Muslim shrines-the cities of Mecca and Medina. ¹³ Secondly, because of its important role in the financial and economic structures in the Arab countries and the world as a whole, and significant investment and investment opportunities in the sponsorship opportunities. At the same time, in Saudi Arabia at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries, processes occurred that were largely similar to the general trends that took place in most Arab countries, i.e., the liberalization of the state-political system to some extent and the activation of Islamism. Unlike

A private investment and financial advisory fund (Medinvest Associates Ltd.), of which he is still president. Then Mr. Mubarak also became a member of the administrative board of the EFG-Hermes investment group operating in Egypt. In 2000, Gamal, at the insistence of his father, returned to Egypt and began a political career as Deputy Secretary General of the ruling National Democratic Party, whose chairman is Egyptian President H. Mubarak, and one of his associates Sawfat al-Sherif is the General Secretary. During the 2005 presidential campaign, Mr. Mubarak headed the campaign headquarters of his father H. Mubarak, who, as is known, was triumphantly re-elected for a fifth presidential term from 2005 to 2011. In 2006, and in 2008, Mr. Mubarak made unofficial visits to the United States, where he met with high-ranking representatives of the US administration, in particular, with the Vice President, the Secretary of State, and the National Security Adviser, and also had a brief conversation with U.S. President John Kerry. The Bush.

¹³ The King of Saudi Arabia holds the title of " Servant of the Two noble Shrines "(Haadim Al-Haramein).

In most of the Arab-Muslim world, where socio-economic factors were one of the main reasons for the emergence of the Islamist movement, in Saudi Arabia these were religious-political and, to some extent, clan-regional contradictions.

The Islamist movement, which opposes the ruling royal dynasty, began to form in the early 1990s. Some well-known Ulema sent a memo to King Fahd in 1991 entitled "Questions for study", which condemned the presence of American troops on the territory of the kingdom, who arrived here at the request of the Saudi authorities during Iraq's aggression against Kuwait in 1990. A number of reforms were also proposed, including the creation of an Advisory Council (Majlis al-Shura) under the Government and strengthening the combat capability of the army. The petition was signed by 107 prominent Muslim figures, representatives of the business community and intellectuals, and the document was also approved by the Mufti of Saudi Arabia, Sheikh Bin Baz. In 1992, by royal decree, an Advisory Board was created, appointed from the most famous and respected people in the kingdom. At the same time, laws were codified and a Set of Basic Laws was published. At the same time, it was confirmed that "the Koran is the constitution of the country." It should be noted that the ideologues of radical Islamism, which was formed in Saudi Arabia in the 1990s, for their part, accused the Saudi authorities of "colluding with the enemies of Islam and non-compliance with Muslim laws" ¹⁴. Quoting one of the moderate Islamists-opponents of the ruling Saudi dynasty, F. Burg gives the following definition of a follower of Islamism: "An Islamist is someone who is not satisfied with the current state of (Muslim) society and wants to make it better, and is also able to say " no "to America" [Burgat, 2005, p. 13].

Saudi law enforcement agencies largely suppressed the radical Islamist opposition between 2003 and 2008, although it is still too early to speak of a complete victory over Islamist extremism.

In public and political life (if such a term can be applied to a country where there are no political parties), reforms are being carried out with the aim of democratizing it, in particular, most of the changes proposed by the moderate opposition have been implemented. In March 2004, the Saudi National Committee for Human Rights was established, consisting of 41 members, including 10 women. Since 2003, the National Dialogue Center has been operating, where the most prominent and respected members of the public regularly discuss the country's pressing problems. In October 2003, at the initiative of the editor-in-Chief of the capital's newspaper "Riyadh", the Association of Saudi Journalists started functioning. In 2005, for the first time in the history of the kingdom, elections were held to local self-government bodies-advisory councils under provincial governors [Kosach, 2007, p. 114]. All the above-mentioned reforms and established institutions can indeed be described as elements of civil society. At the same time, it is important to note that transformations in Saudi Arabia (as in other monarchies of the Persian Gulf) are carried out strictly within the framework of the Koran and Sharia. Currently, according to L. R. According to Shukiyainen, in most Muslim countries ," any project of modernization and democratization can be realistic only if it is implemented within the framework or, at least, taking into account the Islamic political and legal tradition " [Shukiyainen, 2007, p.81].

The controversy in Kuwait over the 2005 law granting women the right to vote in the election of deputies to the National Assembly (Parliament of Kuwait), which lasted for more than two years, is indicative in this regard. At the same time

¹⁴ In Arab countries, it is quite common to hear stories that some members of the royal Saudi dynasty regularly visit the resort area of the suburbs of Beirut on private planes, where they spend time in casinos, nightclubs, cabarets. The author of these lines heard the same stories during personal conversations with Lebanese entrepreneurs engaged in the "service" business in these areas of Beirut. However, these claims were not supported by any concrete evidence.

In discussions about democracy in Saudi society, as in many other Arab and Muslim countries, the prevailing thesis is that Islam itself defines democratic principles for the functioning of society, which do not contradict modern democratic institutions. In this case, the principle of consultation (shura) is most often cited as evidence, which is mentioned in the Qur'an (Surah 42: 38 - "Council" ("Ash-Shura"), and Surah 3: 153 - "The Family of Imran" ("Al-Imran") [The Qur'an]. On its basis, according to prominent Saudi Ulama, "by comparing different opinions, it is possible to reach an informed decision." In this regard, it is emphasized that the Islamic political system is more democratic and fair than in the West, since if in the West decisions taken by democratic representative bodies become laws and must be implemented even when they contradict morality or do not correspond to the interests of the entire society, then "in a Muslim society, decisions taken by the authorities must always correspond to the the instructions of the Qur'an, which are aimed at the benefit of the entire Muslim Ummah."

At the same time, the adoption in Saudi Arabia, as well as in the neighboring monarchies of the Persian Gulf, in particular in Kuwait, in the first decade of the 2000s of the Islamic concept of " Moderation "(Wasatyyah), proclaiming compromise, tolerance and confirming the Muslim postulate of ijtihad¹⁵, provides a certain opportunity for promoting general democratic principles in the societies of the Arabian monarchies without violating their Muslim character.

Thus, Islamism (with the exception of its radical movements, which, of course, should be severely suppressed) as a trend of Islamic social thought, it does not contradict general democratic principles. However, there are researchers, such as Graham Fuller, who believe that "there is no religion that is inherently compatible with democracy" [Graham E. Fuller, 2003, p. 115]. However, given the traditionally Muslim nature of the societies of most Arab countries, their further successful democratization is possible only if the Islamic factor is taken into account, including socio-political forces that support moderate Islamism. They can become the mechanism by which modern democratic institutions can adapt to the specific realities of the Arab world. At the same time, along with solving socio-economic problems, it is necessary to create basic, common components of a democratic state-political structure and the formation of a civil society, and the latter is the most important for the development of genuine democracy.

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¹⁵ Ijtihad - the right of the most authoritative ulama to independently interpret issues of a legal and theological nature, as well as the correspondence of certain phenomena of life in Muslim society to the Koran.

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