Nigeria Keywords:, Muslim-Christian relations, Sharia, Boko Haram

On the African continent, it is difficult to find a State whose population would represent one people and profess one religion. Borders formed during the colonial conquests of the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries and subsequent divisions of territories between European Powers rarely take into account ethnic or religious factors. It is also worth noting that the African continent in principle unites the largest number of peoples and ethnic groups (according to various estimates, up to 7 thousand); the world's leading monotheistic religions-Islam and Christianity-coexist with traditional beliefs, often intertwining in syncretic cults.

The exceptional polyethnicity and poly-confessional nature of the African countries give rise to the problem of finding ways to peaceful coexistence of various ethno-confessional groups in the space of a single state.

This problem, of course, did not arise today. Having freed themselves from colonial domination, many countries faced disintegration processes that called into question the very possibility of their existence as a single whole. It is enough to recall the war waged in 1967-1970 by the Federal government of Nigeria, represented at that time mainly by Hausa and Fulbe Muslims, with the forces of the Republic of Biafra proclaimed by Igbo Christians (according to various estimates, about 1 million people were killed during the conflict ¹).

By the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, many African countries, having declared a course towards democracy after years of authoritarian regimes, plunged into a series of conflicts, one way or another caused by inter-ethnic and inter-religious discord. There are many examples of terrible tragedies caused by such clashes. Among them, the two Congolese wars (1996 - 1997 and 1998 - 2002), during which more than 5 million Africans were killed, are perhaps the most brutal. ²

At the beginning of the XXI century, the religious factor became almost decisive in the relations between a number of peoples and states. I would also like to add that in the context of rapid globalization, religion is beginning to play an important role, which, of course, increases the importance of the faith factor in issues of intercultural and intercivilizational dialogue. In view of this, it is worth recognizing that the African continent can bring us many surprises with a minus sign in the sphere of inter-ethnic and inter-religious confrontation. The so-called problematic countries include the DRC, Kenya, Ghana, Ivory Coast and, above all, Nigeria - the most populous state in Africa (154.6 million, 2011-estimate ³).

The population of Nigeria is characterized by an extremely low level of consolidation - there are more than 250 nationalities and ethnic groups in the country. Its inhabitants practice mainly Islam (50.5% of the population) and Christianity (48.2%, including Catholics 13.7%, Protestants 15%).⁴. Nigeria is divided into 36 states based on ethnic composition, but most of the states remain multiethnic. Muslims predominate in the north and southwest, the vast majority of Christians live in the southeast and west, and adherents of traditional beliefs are scattered throughout the country.

Presidential elections were held in Nigeria on April 16, 2011. Recognized by international observers as more than equal-

Compared to the infamous tradition of vote rigging and fraud, the presidential election resulted in massive sectarian clashes that resulted in the deaths of more than 800 people. ⁵

Clashes raged in 14 states (mainly northern Kaduna, Katsina and Zamfara), populated mainly by Muslims, dissatisfied with the outcome of the vote and the re-election of 54-year-old Christian Goodluck Jonathan as president. The indignation of the northerners was caused by a formal violation of the unspoken tradition, according to which the post of President of Nigeria is occupied by representatives of the Muslim North and the Christian South in turn.

Goodluck Jonathan was sworn in as Head of State on May 6, 2010, following the death of President Umar Yar-Adua, a native of the Muslim state of Katsina. Thus, the Northerners "lost" 5 years of possible stay in power. Jonathan's main opponent, General Muhammad Buhari, 68, who was already in power between 1983 and 1985, said that neither he nor his Congress for Progressive Change party were involved in the unrest, and called for an end to the wave of violence in the country.⁶

The situation is particularly tragic given the fact that the political forces of Nigeria pinned high hopes on the presidential elections, intending to prove to the international community their viability as a democratic state and stabilize the internal political situation. Let me remind you that this African country returned to civilian rule only in 1999 after many years of military regimes in power (1967-1979, 1983-1999). However, the election of the head of state showed that even the most positive events in political life (including, of course, the elections that took place) are capable of provoke a surge of violence and an aggravation of inter-religious confrontation.

CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM IN NIGERIA: HISTORICAL RETROSPECTIVE

To understand the reasons for what happened is possible only in historical retrospect. Nigeria has never been a single ethno-cultural and religious space. The penetration of Islam and Muslim culture in Northern Nigeria began as early as the ninth century. In the Middle Ages, the Kanem states flourished here, then Bornu, in the early XIX century. as a result of the expansion of nomadic Fulbe, the Sokoto caliphate was formed. The south of the country has not been directly affected by Christianity or Islam for a long time. This territory was included in the zone of influence of Great Britain in the XIX century, at the same time Christianity spread here.

In 1900, two protectorates were created on the lands captured by Great Britain-Northern Nigeria and Southern Nigeria. In the north, the so-called system of indirect government became widespread, in which local rulers (represented at that time by the emirs of cities subordinate to the Sultan of Sokoto) actually turned into the heads of the native administration. The British used the structure of the Fulbe emirates, preserved the system of relations between different tribes that had developed by this period, and accordingly did not encroach on the position of Islam in the region.

In the protectorate of Southern Nigeria, which united the Igbo, Yoruba, Ibibio, Tiw, Ijo and other peoples, who had not established stable state formations by the time of their conquest, the colonial authorities did not interfere with the activities of Christian missionaries. Their missions played a big role in introducing a part of the local population to Western values. Having been trained, including in Europe, Africans returned to their homeland, where they spoke out with reformist positions, demanding an improvement in the colony's governance system and granting full civil and political freedoms to the indigenous population.⁷

In 1914, the British authorities formed a single colony of Nigeria. In 1947, the country was divided into three administrative regions in accordance with the "Constitution of Richards" (then Governor of Nigeria) : Northern (mainly populated by Hausa and Fulbe), Eastern (Igbo Christians) and Western (Yoruba, mostly Christians. The Eastern and Western regions were created on the lands of the former protectorate of Southern Nigeria).

The principle of regionalization was enshrined in the subsequent constitutions of 1951 and 1954. (under the 1954 Constitution, Nigeria was declared a federation.) This principle, on the one hand, seemed to confirm the ethnic and cultural identity of individual regions, and on the other, prevented genuine unification. In addition, the gap in the economic and cultural development of various territories of the country was growing. At the same time, people from the more backward North, as a rule, still occupied a dominant position in the colonial administration, in contrast to representatives of the more educated and economically strong oil-bearing South (industrial development of oil fields began in Nigeria in 1956). The Northern People's Congress (NPC) party, created in 1951, enjoyed great influence in the North.), which maintained traditional ties with Muslim leaders and rulers.

In 1960, Nigeria gained independence within the borders of the former colony. The population of the country sought, first of all, to gain independence, postponing the resolution of all controversial issues for later. Meanwhile, relations between Christians and Muslims have worsened, especially in the regions of their compact residence, primarily in the Yoruba lands.

The alignment of political forces in Nigeria in the 1960s reflected the de facto division of the country into three zones with dominant ethnic groups. The leading position at the federal level was still occupied by Northerners.

The SNC controlled the Federal Government from 1960 to 1966, and the Congress in 1966, together with the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NSNG, Home).

The Eastern Nigeria Party) has formed coalition governments. The third major political force of this period, the Action Group (DG), formed in 1951 on the basis of the Oduduwa Children of Yoruba Cultural Association (Oduduwa is the legendary ancestor of all Yoruba people and has been active since 1948), dominated Western Nigeria in the 1960s.

These parties were in sharp confrontation with each other. In the face of political rivalry, the creation of truly strong federal structures seemed an unattainable goal. By the way, they did not strive for it. Regional elites have used state institutions exclusively as a tool to strengthen their influence at the local level.⁸

It should be noted that during this period, the state did not take any purposeful steps to consolidate the country-the place of state ideology was occupied by local ideas and traditions that were closely intertwined with religious ones. State institutions, especially in the local areas, were still closely linked to tribal and religious organizations, which also served as the basis for the formation of political parties.

An attempt after the coup in January 1966 to eliminate the federal structure of Nigeria and declare the country a unitary State was unsuccessful. Northerners were afraid of a possible redistribution of roles in favor of more educated southerners, as well as the loss of their local power, which would be significantly limited in the space of a unitary state. It should be recognized that a unitary state structure in principle could hardly be acceptable for Nigeria, a country with a multi-confessional and multi-ethnic population, and in the future promised many conflicts and clashes.

In 1979, during the preparation of a new draft constitution, the question of the possibility of establishing the principles of Sharia law in the Basic Law of the country was put up for discussion. As a result, a provision was included in the Constitution (Chapter 7, part II, B, 240 ^- 244.9), according to which, at the discretion of the state authorities, Sharia courts of appeal were established there. Muslim courts had jurisdiction only if both parties agreed to the case and dealt with private law cases. The introduction of a clause on Muslim state courts in the country's constitution once again demonstrated the political weight of the northerners in comparison with the poorly organized "southerners"^who enjoy less support from the federal center10. The introduction of this provision caused discontent on the part of Christian communities, which more than once resulted in serious clashes on inter-religious grounds.

In the 1980s, the religious conflict continued unabated. The situation was heated by the issue of the distribution of natural resources - most of the oil in Nigeria is extracted in the predominantly Christian south.

During the term of President Sani Abacha (1993-1998), a conflict broke out between the government and representatives of the Ogoni people, who inhabited the most oil-rich areas. In 1993, the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People was formed, demanding political autonomy, increasing their share in oil revenues, and solving environmental problems. The Government established a special tribunal for civil unrest and, as a result of the investigation, executed the Movement's leader, Ken Saro-Wiwa, a well-known writer and human rights activist, and a number of his associates.

INTRODUCTION OF SHARIA LAW AND AGGRAVATION OF INTER-RELIGIOUS CONFRONTATION

In 1999, after the adoption of the new Constitution, which left in force the provision on Sharia courts of states, the conflict over the legality of the introduction of Muslim law flared up again. The establishment in 2000 of Sharia courts in the predominantly Muslim state of Zamfara, which included not only private cases, but also criminal cases that were previously considered only in secular proceedings, was the reason for another round of tension. By 2009, Sharia law was already applied in 9 northern states of the country: Zamfara, Kano, Sokoto, Katsina, Bauchi, Borno, Jigawa, Kebbi, Yobe. In Kaduna, Niger and Gombe states, Sharia law is practiced in areas with a predominantly Muslim population.

The establishment of a Muslim judicial system provoked numerous bloody clashes between followers of Islam and Christianity, and caused the death of thousands of Nigerians across the country. The Christian Association of Nigeria ¹¹ times appealed to the Government and the Supreme Federal Court to declare the entry into force of Muslim legal norms contrary to the constitution of a secular state. In response, the Muslim community explained the introduction of sharia norms by the desire of the population, as well as by the fact that Sharia today is almost the only protection against the AIDS epidemic and the "general decline in morals." It is fair to say that these problems are really quite acute in Nigeria.

Attempts by the Interreligious Council of Nigeria (IRCN), which was established in 1999 and organized a series of meetings of representatives of religious communities, to stop the bloodshed were unsuccessful. The position of the authorities, unfortunately, also did not help to improve the situation.

President Olusegun Obasanjo has not taken any steps to address the issue. In his interview with the BBC on March 29, 2000. he stressed that his Government would not take a definite political stance on the establishment of Muslim courts.¹² Subsequently, he repeatedly stated that any decision of the Sharia court can be appealed to the Supreme Court of the country. It is worth noting that the enforcement of Sharia court sentences in Nigeria has indeed been postponed or canceled more than once. Thus, in 2004, under the pressure of public opinion and official structures of a number of Western countries

However, the stoning sentence imposed on Amina Lawal, who gave birth to a child out of wedlock, was not carried out.

Meanwhile, the international human rights organization Human Rights Watch reports numerous human rights violations in Nigeria after the introduction of Sharia laws13. In addition, according to experts, "... a significant part of Muslims are not ready to adopt Sharia criminal legislation, for whom European law has long been an integral element of the way of life and the current legal system " ¹⁴.

Since 2002, the radical Islamist group Boko Haram has been operating in the country. Hausa - "Western education is a sin"). Its leaders oppose secular education and demand the introduction of Sharia law throughout the country.

Boko Haram is known for many terrorist attacks. August 26, 2011 Its militants detonated a bomb at the UN office in Abuja, killing 24 people. On November 4, a series of terrorist attacks in the cities of Damatru, Maiduguri and some others killed 150 Nigerians, destroyed police stations, a military base, and several churches.

In the last days of 2011, more than 100 people were killed in terrorist attacks carried out by Boko Haram militants. On Christmas Day, December 25, they organized a series of terrorist attacks in Christian churches in the cities of Abuja, Jos, Gadak and Jamaturu. On December 31, President Jonathan was forced to declare a state of emergency in the northern states of Jos and Niger, as well as close the state border with Cameroon, Chad and Niger, from where Boko Haram militants enter Nigeria. In response, representatives of the Islamist group demanded that all Christians leave the Muslim states as soon as possible. Tens of thousands of refugees were reported to have flocked to the predominantly Christian south.

The situation is complicated by mass protests in major cities caused by a sharp increase in prices for gasoline and essential goods. Nigerian trade unions are seeking a review of the government's decision to eliminate fuel subsidies, adopted in order to reduce the budget deficit and increase investment in the refining sector.¹⁵

The recent proclamation of a new African State, the Republic of South Sudan (July 2011) (and before that, Eritrea), means the breakdown of political and legal institutions in the context of a large number of ethnic groups.

This is an explosive prospect for Nigeria. This idea can be adopted by various extremist organizations and used to incite a new wave of civil wars.

CAN THE RELIGIOUS DIVIDE BE OVERCOME?

The relationship between Islam and Christianity in Nigeria is not only connected with the religious aspect, it is closely intertwined with ethnic, traditional tribal institutions. The distribution of roles between different peoples and tribes has developed on Nigerian soil for many centuries (religious beliefs are conditioned by traditional ideas about the land, the historical belonging of certain territories to certain tribes), it is firmly embedded in the minds of people and, of course, cannot be changed overnight. In addition, as noted above, the distribution of certain natural resources, primarily oil, has recently become a huge factor.

Do not discount the foreign policy aspect: Nigeria is under the close attention of the West, which is associated with its rich oil reserves. Foreign oil companies operating in the country cause mixed reactions among the population, and there are frequent cases of attacks on the offices and employees of TNCs. The problem of refugees is acute: in terms of their number in Europe, Nigeria shares a leading position with the DRC and Senegal. The country is in an extremely difficult economic situation, characterized by a high level of corruption and extremely low life expectancy, and there is a risk of an AIDS epidemic. At the same time, Nigeria claims to be a key player on the political scene of the African continent, as well as in the countries of the Muslim world (since 1971, Nigeria has been a member of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe).-

organizations of Islamic cooperation). Former President Obasanjo, together with representatives of South Africa, actively participated in the transformation of the Organization of African Unity into the African Union in the early 2000s. The Nigerian military contingent makes up the majority of the Union's peacekeeping forces stationed in Darfur (Sudan) and other problem areas in Africa.

In his public speeches, John Onayekan, Catholic Archbishop of Abuja, co-chairman of the Interreligious Council of Nigeria and former head of the Christian Association of Nigeria, highlighted many problematic issues in the relationship between Christians and Muslims, while defending the position that the coexistence of representatives of different faiths in the country can bring not so much negative as positive results in the cultural and social spheres ¹⁶.

In this regard, joint actions of representatives of the Muslim community and Christian churches in Nigeria to help the poorest segments of the population and promote a healthy lifestyle could be a great progress towards achieving the goal of religious reconciliation. Such events are already held under the auspices of the Inter-Religious Council, which unites not only religious figures, but also prominent scientists, public figures and human rights defenders.

Nigeria is a country with a special destiny and special traditions; Western - style development models are difficult to apply to it. It is obvious that it has its own path of development, but it will be passed as calmly as possible only in conditions of peace between peoples and religious communities. With regard to Sharia courts, it should be recognized that these courts, along with customary courts, have been an integral part of the Nigerian judicial system for many years and in many areas, especially in rural areas, have no alternative. However, we should not forget that about 49% of the population of Nigeria is not Muslim, and therefore the question of the territorial and legal competence of Sharia courts should be resolved as carefully as possible.

Of course, it is impossible to completely separate religion from politics, especially in a country like Nigeria, where political, religious and ethnic institutions have always been woven into one knot. In this regard, I would like to draw attention to the role that various initiatives could play in providing mediation assistance to Nigerians in establishing an Islam-Christian dialogue.

A State that has a positive experience of interreligious interaction can become an intermediary. This role, in particular, is suitable for our country, which has historically developed as a union of many cultures and religions. It should be noted that mechanisms for transferring the experience of interaction between religions to those countries where there is a danger of confrontation along inter-confessional lines are already being worked out.

Recently, the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, under the chairmanship of Senator A. A. Aslakhanov, established a working group on Islam-Christian dialogue consisting of representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church, Muslim clergy, and the scientific community, which aimed to consolidate the efforts of Christians and Muslims to organize joint events to help and transfer centuries-old experience of interaction between religions to there is a danger of confrontation along the inter-confessional line.

It is necessary to pay attention to the economic position of our country on the African continent. European and Chinese companies are actively developing the Nigerian oil market, but Russia, which is able to create real competition here, is still lagging ¹⁷. Meanwhile, a mediation initiative could generally promote Russia's positive image in this African country and thereby strengthen our positions in various areas of cooperation.

¹ West African Worlds: Paths through Socio-economic Change, Livelihoods, and Development. New York, 2005, p. 90.

² Peacebuilding and Rule of Law in Africa: Just Peace? (Security and Governance). New York, 2010, p. 111 - 112.

³ http://www.world-gazetteer.com/wg.php?x-&men=gadm&lng=en&des-wg&geo=-158&srt-n pan&col=abcdefghinoq&msz=1500

⁴ As of 2003 - http://www.prb.org/Articles/2006/IntheNewsTheNigerianCensus.aspx. In the 2006 national census, questions about ethnicity and religion were omitted as likely to generate clashes and disrupt the census. The census was extremely difficult, and its results were published only in 2007.

⁵ http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/05/16/nigeria-post-election-violence-killed-800

⁶ http://arabnews.com/opinion/editorial/article.368279/ece7service-print

^{Udogu E.I.} 7 Nigeria in the Twenty-First Century: Strategies for Political Stability and Peaceful Coexistence. Lawrenceville, NJ, Africa World Press, 2005, p. 115 - 120.

⁸ Ibid. P. 121.

⁹ http://www.dejiolowe.com/downloads/nigeria_constitution_1979.pdf

¹⁰ It is worth noting that there are no generally recognized and reputable religious organizations. For example, Christianity is represented by various Protestant denominations, Christian-African churches, and in the east of the country the Catholic Church is strong.

¹¹ This organization was established in 1976. Initially, it included representatives of the Catholic Church and leading Protestant denominations, and later began to represent the interests of all Christians in the country.

¹² http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/694357.stm

¹³ http://www.hrw.org/world-report-2011/nigeria

^{Sukiyainen L. R.} 14 Islamskoe pravo i dialog kul'tury v sovremennom mire [Islamic Law and Dialogue of Cultures in the modern world]. Moscow, 2008, p. 64.

¹⁵ http://www.euronews.net/2012/01/04/fears-of-escalating-conflict-in-nigeria/

¹⁶ См.: Onaiyekan J. Dividends of Religion in Nigeria: Public lecture at the University of Ilorin on Wednesday, 12 May 2010 - http://www.new.unilorin.edu.ng/unilorin/index.php/public-lectures

^{Vasiliev A.} 17 Russia and Africa in the global Struggle for Fossil resources. Mezhdunarodnaya zhizn. 2011, No. 6, pp. 22-29.

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