This article is devoted to the wide set of practices of coercion and punishment of saints via their images that are well documented in the Catholic world from the early Middle Ages to the Early Modern period. According to the basic historiographical narrative, the humiliation of saints officially practiced by medieval monks and canons was prohibited by the Second Council of Lyon in 1274, leading to the gradual marginalization of this devotional "instrument." Nevertheless, exempla that presented the coercion of saints as a legitimate (although radical) method of communication with supernatural powers continued to appear in collections for preachers even in the Counter-Reformation period. At the same time, by the late Middle Ages and the Early Modern period, these practices had been gradually reinterpreted as superstition and/or blasphemy (sacrilege). This transformation is due to two interdependent agendas: the growing delegitimization and even demonization of popular religion by Church intellectuals and prelates, and the Protestant iconoclasm of

Maizuls M. Chastisement of Saints: Pious Blasphemy in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times / / State, Religion, Church in Russia and abroad. 2017. N 2. pp. 15-51.

Maizuls, Mikhail (2017) "The Punishment of Saints as Pious Blasphemy in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Period", Gosudarstvo, religiia, tserkov' v Rossii i za rubezhom 35(2): 15-51.

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the 16th and 17th centuries, which made the ecclesiastical authorities, who were anxious to protect the core of the traditional faith, much more sensitive to any form of irreverence or deviance toward statues or other images of saints.

Keywords: Cult of images, blasphemy, sacrilege, iconoclasm, hagiography, exempla, canonical law, Second Council of Lyon, Council of Trent.

In his memoirs, the Spanish film director Luis Bunuel recalled how in 1936, after the outbreak of the Civil War, rumors began to spread around Madrid that in one monastery the mother superior used a hammer and chisel to break off the statue of the Virgin Mary and told the Queen of heaven that she would return it only when "we [that is, the nationalist side. - M. M.] let's win the war " 1.

As von Clausewitz famously put it, war is the continuation of politics by other means. In the same way, violence against sacred objects sometimes serves as a radical form of prayer - communication with higher powers goes to a higher pitch. In 1660, before the attack on the Polish castle in Lyakhovichi, the Russian voivode Ivan Khovansky erected an icon of St. John the Baptist. St. Nicholas the Saint. However, when the assault failed, he ordered her to be cut to pieces with a whip2. Thirty years later, in 1690, on the other side of the world, in the Mexican town of Cocula, a Chinese porcelain cup disappeared from a woman. In a terrible rage, she threw the statue of the Virgin Mary of Concepcion to the ground, and, calling her an "Indian whore", threatened that she would leave it there if she did not return the lost 3.

Neither the Orthodox voivode nor the Catholic woman from the colonial town were iconoclasts and hardly considered that they were committing any blasphemy or sacrilege. They hoped so much for the intercession of St. Nicholas and the Virgin Mary, but they left them in trouble, let them down, betrayed them. When they ordered an icon to be broken or threw a statuette on the floor, they, unlike their Protestant or (non -) religious freethinkers, did not deny the power of images, but through violence-

1. Bufiuel, L. (1985) My Last Breath, p. 154. London: Flamingo; see: Belting H. Image and cult. Istoriya obraza do epokhi iskusstva [History of the image before the Era of Art], Moscow: Progress-Traditsiya, 2002, p. 6.

2. Bulychev A. A. Between saints and demons. Notes on the posthumous fate of the disgraced Tsar Ivan the Terrible, Moscow: Znak Publ., 2005, p. 169.

3. Gruzinski, S. (1994) La Guerra de las imágines. De Cristóbal Colón a "Blade Runner" (1492-2019), p. 164. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Económica.

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leahs turned to her; they punished the higher powers for leaving them in the lurch, and / or tried to force them to help.

It is obvious that in the late Middle Ages and early Modern times, punishing/blackmailing saints through their images (sometimes through relics) was not a unique deviation in the Catholic world, but rather a fairly common practice.4 It had both an individual and collective dimension. Individual - when someone in anger at a higher power settled scores with images that belonged to him or, say, hung in the temple, but were especially revered by him. Collective-when the punishment or blackmail of saints turned into a mass, often ritualized, action designed to avert some common misfortune (for example, when believers rushed to the riverbank during a drought and threw a statue of their patron saint there). By the time a resident of Kokula decided to get even with the Virgin Mary for the broken cup, the Catholic hierarchy and church intellectuals clearly assessed the punishment/blackmail of saints as something unacceptable.

However, even a few centuries earlier, such practices were quite officially used by monks and canons, and the" miracle books " (libri miraculorum) compiled in various pilgrimage centers included miracles performed by a local saint/ image in response to blackmail. And these were not miracles of punishment, which are not found in stories about blasphemers and iconoclasts, but "positive" miracles - a merciful answer to the" power " prayer of the petitioner. It is well known that in 1274, at the Second Council of Lyon, the ritual humiliation of relics and images was officially prohibited. However, it is obvious that this decision, which concerned only one type of practice and applied only to the clergy, did not put an end to the history of punishing / blackmailing heavenly patrons.

4. The inquisitorial archives of colonial Mexico during the 16th and 17th centuries contain many cases of everyday violence against images of saints. Some of them were related to punishment or blackmail. As the French historian Serge Gruzinski wrote, the images were " hurled curses at them, threatened, as if they could be forced to respond to the owner's requests... They were insulted, flogged, scratched, beaten, burned with candles, broken, torn apart, branded, stabbed with daggers, cut holes in them, cut into strips with scissors, tied to horse tails, covered with red paint or even human excrement "(Gruzinski, S. (1995) " Images and Cultural Mestizaje in Colonial Mexico", Poetry Today 16(1): 67-68). See also: Corteguera, L. R. (2016)" Sacrilege, Profanation, and the Appropriation of Sacred Power in New Spain", Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin American History [http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780199366439.013.237, accessed on 28.12.2016].

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At the end of the seventeenth century, shortly after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in France, which granted a number of freedoms to the Protestant minority, an illustrated pamphlet was published in Amsterdam, exposing the vices of the Catholic clergy. In the satirical gallery of gluttonous monks, drunkards, adulterers, deceivers and hoarders, there is also a certain "Portuguese father". In the engraving, an ugly Franciscan friar whips a statue of St. John the Baptist. St. Anthony of Padua, from whom he demands to perform a miracle 5 (Fig.

Figure 1. A Franciscan beats up a statue of St. John the Baptist. Антония Падуанского (Renversement de la morale chrétienne par les désordres du monachisme. 2e partie. Amsterdam, 1695).

In this article, I propose to trace how various practices of punishing/blackmailing images were legitimized in the XI-XIII centuries, how they were then officially reclassified as superstition and / or blasphemy (blasphemy), and how violence against sacred images could pursue directly opposite goals.

5. Renversement de la morale chrétienne par les désordres du monachisme (1695). 2e partie. Amsterdam. N 10.

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Legitimate physical assault

Patrick Geary drew attention to the fact that in the XI-XIII centuries, the ritual of humiliating shrines was quite officially integrated into the liturgical life of many monasteries or communities of canons. 6 Most often, this measure was resorted to during conflicts with secular lords who encroached on church lands or otherwise oppressed the clergy. When the confrontation reached a stalemate and no other measures of influence remained, the brethren during Mass rebuked their abuser and appealed to God for intercession (clamor). Sometimes, in addition to their prayers, the clergy removed from the altars the reliquaries, crucifixes, statues of saints and the gospels; they were placed on the floor and covered with thorns (just as thorns entangled altars, tombs of saints, etc.). Such a ritual of humiliation could be embedded in the mass or unfolded separately from it (but still within the framework of the divine service). In some cases, the shrines were returned to their place after the completion of the clamor; in others, they were left in this state until the brethren got their way.7 At the same time, monks or canons suspended services, blocked the laity's access to relics, or barricaded the entrance to the church altogether.

These measures, which were regulated by the liturgical statutes and collections of" customs " (consuetudines) of specific communities, were designed to put pressure on both the offender and the holy patron. On the offender - because, having stopped the services and revealed their humiliation to everyone, the brethren forced him to come to his senses and give in. On the saint-because he left his children without help, and therefore had to drink with them the humiliation to which they were condemned. Although the liturgical texts did not explicitly state this, such measures were intended to encourage or even compel the heavenly intercessors to intervene, to awaken their power.

It is obvious that the threat to deprive the saints of their proper honors was used as a way to get their own way from them long before that era.-

6. Geary, P. (1979) "L'humiliation des saints", Annales. Économies, Sociétés, Civilisations 34(1): 27-42; см. также: Little, L.K. (1979) "La morphologie des malédictions monastiques", Annales. Économies, Sociétés, Civilisations 34(1): 54-55; Schmitt, J.-C. (2005) Medioevo "superstizioso" (Economica Laterza, 333), pp. 108-109. Bari: Editori Laterza.

7. For example, in the middle of the 11th century, the monks of the abbey of St. Medard in Soissons came into conflict with Duke Gosselin of Lorraine, because King Henry I gave him the village of Donchery, which the monks considered their own. To reason with the Duke, they kept the relics of their patron saint on the floor of the church for a whole year - until he came to his senses (Geary, P. "L'humilation des saints", p. 39).

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hi, which Giri writes about. For example, back in the VI century. Gregory of Tours, in his book" On the Glory of the Confessors "(Chapter 70:" On Mithrius of Aix"), mentions how a certain Childeric, who was an important man at the court of King Sigebert, took the villa in Aix from the Church. Then the local bishop Franco came to the tomb of St. Mitrius and after a prayer threatened him: "Until you, most glorious saint, take revenge on the enemies of your servants and restore to the holy church what was taken from you by force, no light will be lit here and there will be no harmonious singing of psalms." After that, the bishop hung thorns on the tomb and locked the doors of the church. The offender immediately fell ill, suffered for a year, realized his guilt, ordered to return the villa to the Church, and at the same time 600 gold coins, but still gave up the ghost 8.

The question of the legitimacy of such practices was raised at the 13th Council of Toledo, held in Visigothic Spain in 683. He condemned clerics and other clergy who, out of resentment and anger at someone, dare to tear the veils from the altars, cover them with mourning cloths, extinguish lamps and stop services. For this, if they do not receive forgiveness from their hierarch, they should be defrocked. However, this ban was immediately relaxed by a significant exception. In good cases, when clerics resort to such methods in opposition to enemies or to avert a threat to the faith, their actions are dictated not by boldness, but by humility and are therefore permissible.9
Of course, in the West in the early Middle Ages, a respectful threat, as a rule, was directed not to the images of saints, but to their relics. It was they who ensured the presence of the heavenly patrons in this world and served as the main vehicles of their power (virtus). Only when after 1000 or, according to another dating, at the end of the XII-XIII centuries, two-and three-dimensional images, following the relics, massively acquired the status of virtus receptacles and also began to play the role of intermediaries between man and higher forces, the pressure was transferred to man-made images. 10
8. Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum. Vol. 1,2: Gregorii Turonensis Opera. Teil 2: Miracula et opera minora. Editio nova lucisope expressa (1885), p. 339. Hannover; Van Dam, R. (ed.) (2004) Gregory of Tours. Glory of Confessors, pp. 51-52 Liverpool: Liverpool University Press. The Russian translation of the quote was made by S. A. Minin (Minin S. A. "Guido's Incident": did God break the contract with the Crusaders? // Vestnik RGSU. 2009. N 15. pp. 131-141).

9. Mansi, G.D. (1765) Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio. Vol. 11, pp. 1069-1070 (cap. 7). Firenze.

10. See: Schmitt J.-K. (2002) Kul'tura imago // Annaly na rubezhe vekov: anthologiya / ed. by S. I. Luchitskaya, A. Ya. Gurevich. Moscow: XXI vek: Soglasie, 2002. p. 79-

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Those church practices that Giri describes officially meant not physical, but symbolic impact on the shrine with relics or crucifixes. They were deprived of their proper honors, covered with thorns, but not beaten (or beaten, but such techniques did not fit into the legitimate framework of the ritual, and therefore - as inappropriate for clerics - were not recorded by sources).

However, it is important to take into account that not only canons or monks resorted to forceful pressure on shrines, but also lay people. And their boundaries of what was permissible (even from the point of view of the clergy), apparently, were wider. For example, in the eighth book of the Miracles of St. John the Baptist. Benedict " (VIII, 6), compiled by Raoul of Turtiers (d. 1122), tells about Adelard - the steward of a distant possession of the abbey of Fleury. Instead of protecting the local peasants, Adelard oppressed them in every possible way. One day, one of the women, trying to find justice for him, resorted to a last resort. When she went to church, she tore the veil from the altar and began whipping the stone as if it were the saint himself (increpans quasi praesentem patrem Benedictum): "Decrepit Benedict, sleepy idler, what are you doing? Are you really asleep? Why do you subject your servants to such injustice? " 11
The "power" prayer worked, and the Lord punished Adelard. Once, fleeing from enemies, he was rushing on a horse and accidentally plunged a spear into his throat. Just as in the case of monks or canons who humiliate their own shrines and appeal to their patron, in this and similar stories, lay people resort to the help of their "natural" heavenly patron - in this case, St. Benedict, in whose lands they lived. However, unlike the ritualized and primarily symbolic humiliation of shrines, they use direct physical influence, demanding that the saint wake up from his sleep and come to them

104; Vauchez, A. (1999) "Les images saintes: représentations iconographiques et manifestations du sacré", in Saints, prophètes et visionnaires. Le pouvoir surnaturel au Moyen Âge, pp. 81, 84-85. Paris: Albin Michel.

11. De Certain, E. (ed.) (1858) Les miracles de saint Benoît, pp. 282-284. Paris; see Geary, P. "L'humilation des saints", p. 38. A similar story can be found in the" Miracles of St. Calais of Aniol " (Miracula sancti Carilefi, 1-2). The serfs who lived in the monastery's domain were offended by the local baron. Having entered the church of their patron, they first began to pray to him with tears, and then, tearing off the veil, they also began to whip the altar, reproaching the patron for not protecting them, but sleeping, forgetting about them (Cur hic obdormiscens nostri oblivisceris). The caretaker came running and chased them out of the church. However, the saint helped, and soon the villain who oppressed them fell from his horse and broke his neck (Acta sanctorum ordinis S. Benedicti. Saeculum I (1688), p. 651. Paris).

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to the rescue. At the same time, it is significant that Raoul of Tourtier does not condemn the act of a desperate peasant woman who, instead of humbly waiting for deliverance, came to demand it.

Miracle Catalyst

If you enter the Cathedral of Notre-Dame in Chartres through the west portal, and then, going deep into the nave, at one of the stained-glass windows you can raise your head, then at the very top you can see a scene where a man in a red tunic and a green cap swings a whip at a golden statue of the saint standing on a low column. If you go even further, to one of the deambulatoria chapels, then this plot will appear again, only now it will not be a three - dimensional, but a planar image-the "icon"12 (Fig. 2).

2. A Jew beats up the image of St. John the Baptist. Nicholas. Stained glass windows in the nave (left) and in the dispensary (right) Chartres Cathedral, 1210-1235

These scenes of the saint's massacre, created between 1210 and 1235, resemble countless medieval images of apostles, monks, or bishops crushing the "idols"of other gods. However, here the roles are distributed in a fundamentally different way. The man with the whip is a Gentile, a Jew, and the statue or "icon" that he beats is the image of Nicholas of Myra, one of the most popular Christian saints. Beating turns out to be not a crime, for which the angry Nicholas, according to the laws of hagiography-

12. Harris, A.F. (2008) "The Performative Terms of Jewish Iconoclasm and Conversion in Two Saint Nicolas Windows at Chartres Cathedral", in M. Merback (ed.) Beyond the Yellow Badge: Anti-Judaism and Antisemitism in Medieval and Early Modern Visual Culture, pp. 119-142; fig. 1-2 (pp. 463-464); fig. 3 (p. 465). Leiden: Brill.

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It should have been an immediate punishment of the wicked, but a prologue to a miracle of a completely different kind.

Two Chartres stained glass windows illustrate a well-known legend about the icon/statue of St. John the Baptist. Iconia sancti Nicolai (Iconia sancti Nicolai)13. It was born in the tenth century in Southern Italy, among the Orthodox Greeks who then inhabited it, and then came to the Catholic West, where in the XII-XIII centuries it became widely used (in particular, it was included in such a" bestseller " of medieval hagiography as The Golden Legend (c. 1260) of James of Voragin). In the oldest Latin version - in the life of St. Nicholas, written around 890. John, deacon of Naples - the main character is not a Jew, but a pagan (barbarian / vandal). He found the" icon " (tabula) of St. Nicholas and, having learned from Christians about the power of the saint, left it to guard his treasures. When he was away, his house was robbed. Angry that the "icon" had failed him, he whipped her and threatened that if the saint did not help, he would throw the board into the bonfire. After that, St. Nicholas, as if he himself had suffered a flagellation (nimia miseratione ductus super achonam suam ac si ipse flagellis caederetur), appeared to the thieves reproaching them for having caused him to be so severely beaten (et ideo pro vestro scelere ego innocens quam graviter flagellis caesus sum), and threatened that if they did not return the loot, they would be punished with death. The criminals secretly returned the stolen goods that night, and the pagan, convinced of the power of the Christian saint, soon received baptism. 14 In later versions of the plot - for example, in the Golden Legend-the icon was replaced with a more familiar form of cult image in the West - a statue, and the main character turned from a barbarian / vandal into a Jew (sometimes a Saracen)15. However, it is always a stranger: Pagan, Jew or Muslim.

13. In addition to Chartres, the virtuous slaughter of St. St. Nicholas, for example, is depicted in a stained-glass window in the church of Saint-Julien-du-Sault in Burgundy (Camille, M. (1989) The Gothic Idol. Ideology and Image-Making in Medieval Art, fig. 74. New York: Cambridge University Press). See also a miniature from an early sixteenth-century Flemish Book of Hours, where a Jew in a pointed "Jewish cap" swings a whip at a gilded statue of St. Nicholas standing on the altar: Oxford. Bodleian Library. Ms. Douce 112. Fol. 160.

14. Brunet, D.A. et Quentin, D.H. (éds.) (1910) Boninus Mombritius. Sanctuary, seu vitae sanctorum: Novam hanc editionem curaverunt duo monachi Solesmenses, pp. 306-307. Paris: Fontemoing et Cie; see: Choffari D. John Archdeacon: "Historia translationis Sancti Nicolai" in medieval Europe / / Eurasia. Spiritual traditions of peoples. 2012. N 4. C. 212.

15. Graesse, Th. (1850) Jacobi a Voragine Legenda aurea, vulgo Historia lombardica dicta, pp. 27-28. Leipzig: G. Koebner; Jacob Voraginsky. Golden Legend / Introductory article and comments by I. V. Kuvshinskaya, vol. 1. Moscow: Franciscan Publishing House, 2017, pp. 56-57. See: Camille, M. The Gothic Idol. Ideology and Image-Making in

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There would be nothing unusual in this legend (a miracle as a tool that guides non-believers to baptism, and Christians - sinners-to repentance), if not for the moment with the beating. St. Nicholas makes claims not to his abuser, but to thieves who "failed" him under punishment. In the oldest Latin version, the barbarian / vandal, using the first measure of influence (flagellation), blackmails the icon/holy bonfire, and he immediately goes to the perpetrators of his troubles. In the Golden Legend, the motive for blackmail is not explicitly stated (the actions of the Jew are called "revenge" - ultio), but the meaning and consequences of his actions remain the same.

Blackmail/punishment of the Holy Spirit St. Nicholas through his material image appears not as a sacrilege, but as a "reason" for the miracle that led the gentile to salvation. Numerous medieval stories about how Jews, in an effort to force Christ to relive his Passion, (allegedly) tortured or crucified crucifixes stolen from Christians or specially made wax figures, also often ended with a miracle (usually the image begins to bleed) and the conversion of (some) torturers. However, unlike the beating of St. However, any aggression against the images of Christ in these narratives was clearly interpreted as a crime committed out of hatred for the Savior and the Christian faith. 16 Here, a non-believer lashes the image of the saint because he did not meet the expectations placed on him, and he is not punished, but a double reward: St. Nicholas returns the stolen treasure to him and by being baptized, he gets a chance to save his soul.

Medieval Art, pp. 127-135; Vauchez, A. "Les images saintes", pp. 82-83; Sansterre, J.-M. (1999) "L'image blessée, l'image souffrante: quelques récits de miracles entre Orient et Occident (VIe-XIIe siècle)", in J.-M. Sansterre, J.-C. Schmitt (éds.) Les images dans les sociétés médiévales: Pour une histoire comparée. Actes du colloque international (Rome, Academia Belgica, 19-20 juin 1998), pp. 128-129. Rome; Bruxelles.

16. Stories of miracles (primarily bloodshed) performed by images in response to aggression from Gentiles (most often Jews) or iconoclasts were rare in the West, unlike in Byzantium, in the early Middle Ages. They begin to spread in the XI-XIII centuries, when the Catholic world north of the Alps is a powerful expansion of the cult of images, and their sacred status is close to the relics of saints and other relics. At the same time, the tension in Jewish-Christian relations leads to the formation of a whole series of accusations related to the torture of the body of Christ: through its images, through the bodies of Christian infants ("blood libel") and through the host (see: Sansterre, J.-M. "L'image blessée, l'image souffrante"). It is important that the miracles performed by the images in response to aggression from Jews, heretics, or Catholic blasphemers were used not only for the purposes of anti-Jewish or anti-Heretical polemics. As in the East, they served as a catalyst for the veneration of specific images and were in demand as one of the most important pillars of the cult of images in general.

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Original goal of a Gentile (Gentile or Jew) as a character in the story - to keep your goods. The purpose of the story itself is to serve as a miracle in the life of St. John the Baptist. St. Nicholas or as images on the stained-glass windows of the cathedral-in order to glorify the power of the Christian image; to show that the saint, acting through him, is ready to condescend even to those who do not (yet) believe in him, even if they entrust him with the protection of their property, and, by leading a non-believer to baptism, to demonstrate the triumph of Christianity any other faith. The ending of the story a posteriori justifies the radical means that the main character applied to the icon / statue.

Image as a hostage

It is of fundamental importance that in the thirteenth century church sermons were replete with stories in which the humble compulsion of images to perform miracles was presented as a legitimate method of influencing saints not only by non-Believers, but also by Christians themselves.

In 1219-1223, the Cistercian monk Caesarius, who was responsible for the education of novices at the Geisterbach monastery near Cologne, compiled for them the Dialogue on Miracles, a colossal collection of examples illustrating the main points of church doctrine. Among dozens of stories about healings, punishments, and apparitions performed by Christ, the Mother of God, and the saints through their images, he also told about one successful case of blackmail (VII, 45).

In the chapel of Feldenz Castle there was an ancient, crudely executed, but very powerful (virtus) statue of the Virgin and Child. A lady named Jutta, who lived in the fortress, worshipped her dearly. One day, when her three-year-old daughter, who lived with a wet nurse in a nearby village, went out to play, she was dragged into the forest by a wolf. Upon learning of this, Jutta rushed to the chapel, took the Christ child from the Madonna and cried out in tears: "Lady, you will not have your own child until you return mine to me." Soon the girl was found alive, and Jutta gratefully returned her baby to the Virgin Mary 17. This story, according to Caesar, was told to him by Hermann, the abbot of the Marienstatt monastery, who learned about what happened from the mouth of Jutta herself.

17. Strange, J. (1851) Caesarii Heisterbacensis monachi Ordinis Cisterciensis Dialogus miraculorum. T. 2, pp. 62-64. Koln; Bonn; Bruxelles. См.: Baschet, J. et Dittmar, P.-O. (éds.) (2015) Les images dans l'Occident médiéval (L'atelier du médiéviste, 14), pp. 167-176. Turnhout: Brepols; Sansterre, J.-M. (2010) "La Vierge Marie et ces images chez Gautier de Coinci et Césaire de Heisterbach", Viator 41: 171-173.

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Desperate mother takes (breaks off?) the statue of Our Lady has a figurine of Jesus not because it wants to punish the image or denies its power, but to activate it and make the Madonna respond to her plea. It is significant that right before this story, Caesarius tells about another lady from the same castle who made fun of the ugliness of the statue and was punished for it by the Virgin Mary. Her son stripped her of all her possessions, drove her out of the house, and in order not to starve, she had to beg. Pious blackmail is permitted, but impious laughter is not.

In the collections exempla XIII-XV centuries. the story of the blackmail of the Virgin Mary with the help of a figurine of her baby is found in several versions. In them, Jesus is confiscated by a pious but desperate mother, whose son was captured by the enemy or even hanged for some crime. By the grace of the Mother of God, the prisoner immediately returns, and the executed person is resurrected 18.

This plot is periodically transferred to iconography. For example, it can be seen in the magnificent manuscript of the Miracles of the Virgin Mary by Jean Mielot, which was created in 1456 for the Duke of Burgundy Philip III the Good. A porthole by Jean Le Tavernier showed a lady respectfully taking the infant Jesus away from the statue of the Virgin Mary standing on the altar in full view of other worshippers (Fig. It is interesting that when in the XVII century the exemplum about the desperate mother was published in Russian books, the statue of the Virgin Mary, which was unusual for an Orthodox cult, was replaced with an icon in both texts and miniatures. However, the "abduction" of a baby drawn in the mother's arms should have been a miracle in itself - unlike a figure carved out of wood or stone, you can't just take it away. However the Russian adaptations of the plot do not change this point in any way-

18. Tubach, F.C. (1969) Index Exemplorum: A Handbook of Medieval Religious Tales. Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia: N 1024; см.: Vauchez, A. "Les images saintes", pp. 86-87. In the 13th century, this story appears in another collection compiled by Caesar of Geisterbach ("Eight Books of Miracles"), in the" Book of Miracles of the Virgin Mary "of the Dominican Bartholomew of Trent, in the" Golden Legend "of James of Voraginsky, in the" Cantigas of the Virgin Mary " of the Castilian King Alphonse X, etc. In the fourteenth century we will find him in the Liber de introductione loquendi of the Dominican Filippo da Ferrara, the Alphabetum Narrationum of another Dominican Arnold of Liege, or in the collection known as Ci nous dit, and in the fifteenth century in the Miracles of the Virgin Mary by Jean Mielot. See this plot (by number in index F. Tubakha-1024) in the electronic database Thesaurus Exemplorum Medii Aevi (http://gahom.huma-num.fr/thema/).

19. Paris. Bibliothèque nationale de France. Ms. Francais 9198. Fol. 137v. See the same plot (in two versions) on the miniatures in the Paris manuscript (1327) of the Miracles of the Virgin Mary by Gauthier de Cuenci: The Hague. Koninklijke bibliotheek. Ms. 71 A 24. Fol. 123v, 174.

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they comment on it and don't try to explain it. In miniatures - for example, in the Old Believer Flower Garden of the first half of the XVIII century - we see how a desperate mother, whose son was put in prison on a false denunciation, holds the baby Jesus (who was just sitting on the lap of the Virgin) in her hands (Fig. 4), and then carries him to her house, to hide in the chest 20.

3. A woman takes her son from the statue of the Virgin Mary. Illustration for the Miracles of the Virgin Mary by Jean Mielot, 1456 (Paris. Bibliothèque nationale de France. Ms. Français 9198. Fol. 137v).

The object of such blackmail could be not only the Virgin Mary. For example, the English chronicler Matthew Paris, in his" Great Chronicle", without any condemnation, tells how one abbess decided to force the help of the Apostle Paul. In 1224, the Norman knight Fulk de Brotte, seeking to strengthen his castle in Bedford, destroyed the church dedicated to this saint. When the Abbess learns that his crime remains unpunished,

20. The mechanism of abduction and then return of the infant to the icon is described very briefly in the text: "Take the image of the most eternal infant from the hand of the Most Pure Theotokos"; "put the image of the Virgin on your hand" (St. Petersburg. Library of the Academy of Sciences (BAN). 32.3.15. l. 113, 116). See this miracle also in the personal list of the "Stars of the Most Bright", created in 1686 in the Novodevichy Monastery: BAN. P. I. A. N 58. L. 151ob. -152.

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She ordered the neighboring monastery to be taken away from the statue of St. John the Baptist. Paul's sword, and do not return it until Fulk's deed is avenged. As a result, Bedford Castle fell 21. The abbess's actions follow the same logic as the ritualized humiliation of crucifixes and images of saints, which was condemned 50 years later at the Second Council of Lyon. The only difference is that, according to Matthew Paris 'description, her "forceful" appeal to the Apostle Paul was not accompanied by the suspension of services, and his statue was not humiliated by removing it from the altar and covering it with thorns, but was directly blackmailed by taking away its main iconographic attribute-the sword.

Figure 4. Orthodox version of the plot: inconsolable mother takes the baby from the icon of the Virgin (St. Petersburg. Library of the Academy of Sciences. 32.3.15. l. 113).

In such stories, blackmail is presented as an effective and completely legitimate (legitimized by the fact that it turns out to be effective and leads to a miracle) method of interacting with higher forces. If, in the narrator's opinion,,

21. Luard, H.R. (ed.) (1876) Matthaei Parisiensis, monachi Sancti Albani, Chronica majora (Rerum britannicarum medii aevi scriptores, 57). Vol. 3, p. 87. London: Her Majesty's Stationary Office; см.: Sansterre, J.-M. (2013) "Après les Miracles de sainte Foy: présence des saints, images et reliques dans divers textes des espaces francais et germanique du milieu du XIe au XIIIe siècle", Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 56: 72.

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the petitioner's goal is good, and his attitude to the image is full of reverence, then almost everything is allowed. However, in a different context (for example, if the Jew who beat up St. John the Baptist was a Jew). The same attempt would have been interpreted as sacrilege - and there are countless examples of it.

Quasi-beating

Successful blackmail by higher powers creates the impression that the saints are dependent on humans; that by creating their images out of wood or stone, people have taken the heavenly patrons hostage and can manipulate them as they please. Apparently to warn the reader against potentially dangerous interpretations, Caesar of Geisterbach writes that the Virgin Mary ordered the wolf to return the child, "as if" (quasi) she was afraid that Jutta would not give her Jesus. In other words, blackmail is effective only because the Madonna showed mercy to a pious woman, and not because the Queen of Heaven can actually be forced to do something by stealing a baby from one of her countless statues.22 Similarly, in the story of Judea and St. John the Baptist. St. Nicholas, as it is described in the Golden Legend, the saint "seemed to take the blows himself (tamquam in se), appeared to the thieves" and attacked them with reproaches: "Look, my body is covered with wounds... Which the Jew inflicted on me, because you stole his goods."23 Although St. John the Baptist said," I am not a Jew. Nikolai and Zha-

22. In the fifteenth century, Johann Herolt, in his Promptuarium de miraculis Beatae Virginis (n. 15), emphasized that the desperate mother took the infant Jesus in tears, and the Virgin Mary condescended to her grief, as if she feared losing her son if she did not return the woman to her daughter (quasi timeret filio suo carere): Herolt, J. (1606) Sermones discipuli de Sanctis, cum exemplorum promptuario ac miraculis Beatae Virginis, pp. 8-9. Venezia. Descriptions of miracles performed in response to pious blackmail often emphasize that the petitioner prayed and shed tears before proceeding. No matter how much this detail reflected actual practices, it certainly served as a rhetorical alibi, clearly distinguishing desperate piety from deliberate sacrilege.

23. Graesse, Th. Jacobi a Voragine Legenda aurea, pp. 27-28; Jacob Voraginsky. The Golden Legend. P. 57 (in the Russian translation by I. I. Anikiev and I. V. Kuvshinskaya - "Having taken on the lashes, St. Nicholas appeared to the robbers" - an important clarification that the blows on the statue seemed to be transmitted to the saint is omitted); see: Sansterre, J.-M. (2009) "Miracles et images. Les relations entre l'image et le protorype céleste d'après quelques récits des Xe-XIIIe siècles", in A. Dierkens, G. Bartholeyns, Th. Golsenne (éds) La performance des images, p. 54, note 32. Bruxelles: Editions de l'université de Bruxelles.

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While the text looks at the wounds that he suffered as a result of punishment and describes them in the most physiological way, the text, using the tamquam in se clause, emphasizes that a saint who is in heaven cannot experience physical pain and partly removes the dogmatic danger of identifying the image and prototype on which the punishment or blackmail of saints is based. 24
Church texts often (though not always) explain that "power" prayer is effective only by the grace of higher forces. However, this does not mean that real blackmailers also imagined the "mechanics" of coercion in a strictly Orthodox spirit. The cultural - if not psychological - roots of punishment / blackmail go deeper than the Christian cult of saints and Christian image theory. They are based on the ancient "intuition" that the image is present in the image (different cultures explain how exactly) and that the effect on the image is somehow transmitted to the depicted person. Theologians explained that the images of saints have no power of their own (God works miracles through them), and that when a Christian turns to two - dimensional or three - dimensional images, through these material objects, he raises his prayers to their invisible prototypes. However, in the minds of many believers, it was probably a simple feeling that was much more important: a statue or icon is a saint, given to them in feelings. This does not imply that they completely "dissolved" the prototype in the image, but that the invisible power of the heavenly patron was simply embodied in a particular image with which they were "familiar"25. The image accepts prayers and honor; therefore, it accepts punishment and dishonor.

24. The Latin word quasi and its analogs in other languages are regularly found in church texts describing wonderfully "revived" images. Without questioning the miracle in any way, they remind us that its external forms are signs of reality, not reality itself (Sansterre, J.-M. (2015) "Vivantes ou comme vivantes: l'animation miraculeuse d'images de la Vierge entre Moyen Age et époque moderne", Revue de l'histoire des religions 2(232): 160, 168). Similar language is also often used in Catholic descriptions of the" tortures "and" executions " to which Iconoclastic Protestants subjected crucifixes or figures of saints, as if they were torturing not images made of wood or stone, but those depicted on them (Christin, O. (1991) Une révolition symbolique. L'iconoclasme huguenot et la reconstruction catholique, pp. 133, 137. Paris: Les Editions de Minuit). Thus, the Catholics apparently "returned" to the iconoclasts their reproach that they expect miracles from dead pieces of wood or stone.

25. См.: Baschet, J. (2008) L'Iconographie médiévale, pp. 39-44. Paris: Gallimard.

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However, one should pay attention to the fact that in cases of blackmail of saints, which church authors present as a legitimate practice, the damage caused to the images is invariably temporary and fixable. A barbarian / Jew / Saracen exposes an icon or statue of St. John the Baptist. Nicholas is flagellated and threatens to burn her if he doesn't come to his aid, but of course he doesn't burn her. Pious blackmailers who confiscated the Virgin Mary's baby from the statue, and the Saint Paul's sword, return them as soon as they get what they want. Desperate mothers, after long prayers, respectfully take the wooden or stone baby from the Virgin Mary and, after taking it home, carefully wrap it in cloth and lock it in a chest, rejoicing that they now have a pledge / hostage (obses in Latin or ostage / gaige in French) who will return their own son to them. The most disrespectful - and in form close to what was usually interpreted as sacrilege - method of influence was used by the hero of Iconia sancti Nicolai - at that time a Gentile (pagan, Jew or Muslim). None of the Christian petitioners/blackmailers in such exempla statues were beaten. In addition, it is important that these stories invariably end with the establishment/restoration of a relationship between the believer and the sacred person, whose help he has requested in such an unusual way - from an" excess " of faith and hope, and not from a lack of them. 27
This is probably why the story of the desperate mother continued to wander through the exempla collections even in the post-Tridentine period, when the Catholic Church, as is well known, took a course to purge the cult of images of everything that seemed to be popular superstitions (see below), dangerously close to magical practices, smacked of disrespect for shrines and blurred

26. See, for example, The Golden Legend (Graesse, Th. Jacobi a Voragine Legenda aurea: 591-592) or the Eight Books of Miracles by Caesar of Heisterbach (Meister, A. (ed) (1901) Die Fragmente Libri VIII miraculorum des Caesarius von Heisterbach, pp. 205-206. Rome). In the Franciscan collection exempla of the 1270s, published by E. J. Little, a desperate mother did not even have time to take her divine baby from the Virgin Mary. As soon as she threatened Our Lady to do this and put out her hand to the statue, her son immediately appeared and shamed her: "What are you doing, mother?.. Little, A. G. (1908) Liber exemplorum ad usum praedicantium saeculo XIII compositus a quodam fratre minore anglico de provincia Huberniae, p. 30. Aberdeen.

27. Of course, many other stories that did not end with the" reconciliation " of the believer with the saint were simply classified by church authors as sacrilege or are completely unknown to us, because they had no instructive value, and therefore were not recorded by anyone.

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the boundary between the image and the prototype. In 1603, the Jesuit Jean Major published in Douai a weighty volume entitled Magnum speculum exemplorum. In the section dedicated to the Virgin Mary (B. Maria Virgo, N 32), he, with reference to the "Golden Legend", gives an "example" about the blackmail of her statue. However, it is symptomatic that the title of the story describes the mother's act as an example of "pious simplicity "(pia simplitas)28. By this time, punishing or blackmailing saints was most often considered an impious act-superstition and / or sacrilege (blasphemy). However, narratives about such methods, once sanctified by the authority of tradition and legitimized by the miracle that came in response, have not been completely discredited.

Untouchable Shrines

The Second Council of Lyons, convened by Pope Gregory X in 1274, marked a turning point in the history of punishing/blackmailing saints. At the meeting, the church hierarchs demanded that the canons, before suspending public services (cessatio a divinis), canonically justify their case and inform the person against whom this measure is directed in writing about their plans. At the same time, the humiliation of crucifixes and statues was completely prohibited as unholy abuse (detestabilem abusum horrendae indevotionis)29. Patrick Geary attributes this change of milestones primarily to the administrative centralization of the Catholic Church and the desire of the hierarchy to take away from the clergy such a powerful (and not accountable to anyone) tool as blackmail of holy sites. 30
28. Major, J. (1633) Magnum speculum exemplorum ex plusquam octoginta auctoribus, p. 541. Douai.

29. Mansi, G.D. Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio. Vol. 24, p. 92. Venezia. At the end of the thirteenth century, Guillaume Durand, Bishop of Manda, wrote in his liturgical Summa Rationale divinorum officiorum (I, 13) that once the 13th Council of Toledo (683) allowed clerics, as a last resort, in order to protect the rights of the church, to remove their veils from altars and images, to cover them with gloomy (mourning) fabrics or thorns. However, this was the case in ancient times. Now the Second Council of Lyons has condemned this practice (Durand, G. (1614) Rationale divinorum officiorum. T. 1, p. 12. Antwerp; Thibodeau, Th. M. (ed.) (2007) The Rationale Divinorum Officiorum of William Durand of Mende (a New Translation of the Prologue and Book One), p. 31. New York: Columbia University Press).

30. Geary, P. "L'humilation des saints", p. 40; see also: Schmitt, J.-C. Medioevo "superstizioso", pp. 110-111.

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However, the ideological dimension of this problem should not be overlooked. Already in the XII century. removing the veils from altars and other methods of humiliating the higher powers were mentioned by Gratian in his monumental code of canon law - Concordia discordantium canonum, or Decretum (II. XXVI. V. 12-13). With him, they appear as an instrument of pernicious witchcraft (maleficia nequissima), which clerics sometimes indulge in. Gratian denounces priests who, in order to harm their enemies, bare their altars and extinguish their candles, say requiem masses for them.31 For many theologians of the thirteenth century, the line between reverential compulsion of sacred objects and sacrilege/blasphemy began to seem too unclear. The decision of the Second Council of Lyons formally concerned only canons, and the only method of humiliation that appeared in it was that the shrines were thrown to the floor and covered with thorns. In 1289, the Bishop of Rodez, Raymond Calmont d'The Olt has issued synodal statutes that have already expanded the list of prohibited practices. Besidescessatio a divinis, it also mentions that some clerics abuse holy images during heat or thunderstorms, and that crosses or statues are not only humiliated, but also flagellated, broken, pierced, or submerged in water.32
According to numerous testimonies from the late Middle Ages and early Modern times, in different parts of Europe, in case of drought or, conversely, too heavy rains, the relics or images of saints were thrown or dipped in rivers, streams, fountains or wells. This method, based on the principles of sympathetic magic, was supposed to either cause precipitation or,

31. Friedberg, A. (ed.) (1959) Corpus iuris canonici: Editio Lipsiensis Secunda. Pars prior Decretum magistri Gratiani, pp. 1031-1032. Graz: Akademische Druckund Verlagsanstalt. This fragment of the "Decree" is composed of quotations taken from two ancient texts that were devoted to completely different issues. The first is the decree of the 17th Council of Toledo (694), which regulated the suspension of services and the humiliation of relics in the course of personal conflicts and collective disasters; the second is the decision of the 13th council in the same Toledo (683), which condemned the commemoration of the living (Mansi, G. D. (1766) Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio. Vol. 12. Firenze: 99; see cap. 5). In the thirteenth century, the text of Gratian, who condemned the removal of veils from altars as an element of the witchcraft mass, was copied or paraphrased by other jurists and theologians, such as Raymond de Peignafort (Summa juris canonici) and Vincent of Beauvais (Speculum doctrinale).: Barnum, P. H. (ed.) (2004) Dives and pauper: Introduction. Vol. 2, p. 67. Oxford: Oxford University Press; Montesano, M. (2000) "Fantasima, fantasima che di notte vai": la cultura magica nelle novelle toscane del Trecento, p. 42 (note 2). Roma: Citta Nuova.

32. Martène, E. (1717) Thesaurus novus anecdotorum. T. 4, p. 633 (статут XX). Paris.

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on the contrary, stop them (water attracts or repels other water). The origins of such practices can certainly be found in many pre-Christian cults, but we will leave the question of their origin and "Christianization" out of the question.33 It is important that the immersion of shrines in water, as it already follows from the Rhodesian Statutes, was carried out not only by lay people, but also by clerics and was not a personal "power" prayer, but a collective ritual. 34
At the end of the 15th century, this question was discussed in great detail in the treatise On Superstitions, compiled by the Pamplona canon Martin de Andosilla y Arles. His work belongs to a long series of texts devoted to exposing superstitions that began to appear en masse throughout Europe in the late XIV-early XV centuries. Although criticism of superstitio ( superstition) - which included both remnants of paganism and illegitimate distortions of legitimate church practices-has occupied an important place in the discourse of clerics since the first centuries of Christianity, in the late Middle Ages, as Michael Bailey shows, it became particularly acute. This was largely due to the fact that church preaching, with its tasks of religious acculturation, increasingly penetrated the vast peasant world. Authors of treatises on superstition, university theologians, or practicing pastors long before the Counter-Reformation set out to eliminate / correct numerous forms of popular religiosity that did not fit into the framework of official piety and were often based on aproxism.-

33. См.: Santyves, P. (1933) "De l'immersion des idoles antiques aux baignades des statues saintes dans le christianisme", Revue de l'histoire des religions 108: 144-192.

34. This method of causing or stopping rain, as well as punishing saints for various climatic disasters, according to many testimonies, was quite alive in the XIX century. For example, on September 6, 1815, after a long drought, the clergy of Periguet went to the spring of St. Sabine to dip a cross in it, and around 1830, in Villeneuve-Saint-Georges, near Paris, the inhabitants threw a statue of their patron saint into the Seine or into one of the small rivers because the vineyards were affected frosts (Santyves, P. "De l'immersion des idoles antiques", pp. 162-163, 179).

35. This text was first published in Lyon in 1510, and then reprinted several times: in Paris in 1517, in Rome in 1559, in Frankfurt in 1581, and in Vienna in 1584. See: Gaztambide, J. G. (1971) "El tratado de superstitionibus " de Martin de Andosilla", Cuadernos de etnología y etnografía de Navarra 9: 249-266; Bailey, M. D. (2009) "A Late-Medieval Crisis of Superstition?", Speculum 84(3): 636 (note 21), 637, 644, 649-650.

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using elements of a church ritual for magical purposes 36. It is not surprising that just by the middle of the 15th century, the radical demonization of witchcraft practices led to the formation of a cumulative concept of witchcraft, which became the ideological basis of the witch hunt. 37
While the Rhodesian Statutes, which echoed the wording of the Second Council of Lyons, describe the beating or drowning of holy images as "abusum detestabilem", Andosilla declares such practices to be both superstition and sacrilege. Moreover, his treatise on the critique of superstition (from divination and love magic to the belief in favorable and unfavorable days) just begins with the o(b)judgment of the blackmail of the statue of St. John the Baptist. Peter. According to the Pamplona canon, he actually took up the pen to dispel the doubts of his colleague, the archdeacon of the town of Usun (in Navarre). The man had once told him that they had an old custom. When there is a drought, the clergy, together with the townspeople, organize a procession to St. Peter's Church. After saying Mass, they remove the image of the heavenly patron from the altar with prayers and carry it to the river. There, one of those present addresses him: "Saint Peter, help us in this need, beg God for rain." And so it repeats for the second, and then the third time. And when he doesn't answer, people start shouting for the image of Peter to be submerged in water, since he doesn't want to intercede with God for their deliverance from trouble. Then one of the local notables (primatibus) replies that this is not worth doing, but since Peter is a good shepherd, he will beg for what he wants. And, according to local residents, there has never been a case when they were deceived in their expectations and during the day it did not rain 38.

It is very characteristic that the algorithm of influence on the image and its prototype, which Andosilla described from the words of Archdeacon Usu-

36. Bailey, M.D. "A Late-Medieval Crisis of Superstition?", pp. 633-634, 657; см. также: Ankarloo, B., Clark, S., Monter, W. (2002) Witchcraft and Magic in Europe: The Period of the Witch Trials (Witchcraft and Magic in Europe. Vol. 4), pp. 105-121. London: The Athlone Press.

37. See Schmitt, J.-C. Medioevo "superstizioso": 131-149. Martin de Andosilla also devoted several pages to witch flights to nocturnal gatherings, but he believed in the old-fashioned way that witches were transported there not in reality, but only mentaliter et fantastice (Gaztambide, J. G. "El tratado 'de superstitionibus' de Martin de Andosilla", pp. 276-277).

38. Ibid, p. 271-272.

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on the contrary, it is so close to the pragmatics typical of the rituals of iconoclasm. In numerous accounts of individual and collective attacks against Catholic "idols" that took place in different parts of Europe during the Reformation, we regularly encounter the same scenario. Before" executing " an image by smashing it into pieces, shooting it with an arquebus, or throwing it into a bonfire, the iconoclast treats it as if it were alive: he demands that it speak, fight back, save itself, or bleed. When the appeal goes unanswered and the miracle does not happen, he, as if disappointed by the silence of the statue, "gouges out" its eyes, breaks it into pieces or throws it into the fire. Demanding (feigning) that dead "idols" show signs of life, the iconoclast parodies the actions of Catholic "idolaters" and seeks to demonstrate to others (or even to himself?) the impotence of idols; to show (and verify?) that they are unable to defend themselves, and therefore empty and dead; that they are only the work of human hands and that there is no subject in the object.39 Bruce Lincoln once - in contrast to "theophany" - called this process "profanophany", i.e., the phenomenon of emptiness, the non-divinity of someone else's shrine.40
A provocative and playful address to an "idol" is a potentially meaningful gesture. Its goals range between testing the power of the image and ritualized demonstration of its powerlessness; it is addressed to the audience (former or current "idolaters"), but it can also perform an autosuggestive function. To launch a physical attack against the image (which you revered yesterday, which others revere so much, which represents the religious and political order), you need to force out through ridicule the fear of it and/or of the coming violence that will cut off the way back. In Woosung, a similar ritual - with a series of appeals to the image (which eventually remains silent and does not perform an immediate miracle) - was designed not to demonstrate powerlessness

39. См.: Scribner, R. (1987) Popular Culture and Popular Movements in Reformation Germany, pp. 110-114. London: The Hambledon Press; Christin, O. (1991) Une révolition symbolique, pp. 131-138. I would also like to refer to my article "If You are God, Defend Yourself": Catholic Models of Protestant Iconoclasm, " which is due to appear in the next issue of the Odyssey almanac. A man in history. 2015-2016".

40. Linсoln, B. (1989) Discourse and the Construction of Society: Comparative Studies of Myth, Ritual, and Classification, pp. 103-127. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press.

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statues, and through the threat to activate its power. The "profanophany" rituals practiced by Iconoclastic Protestants in the sixteenth century negate the Catholic cult of images, pushing its most radical forms to the logical limit.

Andosilla denounces the blackmail of St. Peter as both (1) superstition, (2) sacrilege, (3) an attempt to tempt God by testing or testing his power, and (4) a sinful temptation, a "scandal." Superstition - because instead of praying to the Lord for rain, the people of Woosung demand the fulfillment of their request not from the Creator, but from the creation-the statue. By immersing it in water, even when accompanied by hymns and hymns, they are actually deviating from what is permissible in the veneration of saints (images) and insulting them (iniuriam sanctorum). The same gesture turns out to be sacrilege. After all, according to the definition given by Thomas Aquinas in Summa Theologica (II. II. 99. 1), a physical attack against images of saints, as well as other shrines, transfers dishonor from the image to the prototype. Why, then, is blackmail effective and heaven grants the desired rain? Because, by God's permission, the fallout - to tempt people-is organized by the devil. After all, demons can affect bodies and natural elements and often perform pseudo-miracles.41
If punishing / blackmailing saints is sacrilege, then violence born out of a (superstitious) reliance on the power of the image is on a par with attacks by non-Believers, iconoclastic heretics, or freethinking Catholics who have attempted images of sacred persons, denying their power or at least seeking to challenge it. In theory, sacrilege born of" excess "and" lack " of faith was subject to the same penalty. In practice, however, ostentatious defiance of the entire cult of images (and through it, the power of the clergy and the salvation practices on which it relied) was probably more severely punished than superstitious "excesses." Similarly, after the advent of Protestant iconoclasm, staunch fighters against Catholic " ido-

41. Gaztambide, J.G. "El tratado 'de superstitionibus' de Martin de Andosilla", pp. 274-275, 304-314. The idea that any magical (i.e. illegitimate, even if they use church texts and objects) procedures cannot be effective by themselves, and if they "work", it is only due to the intervention of demons and an implicit or explicit pact with them, sounds in many demonological treatises of the late Middle Ages and early Modern times (Ankarloo, B., Clark, S., Monter, W. Witchcraft and Magic in Europe, p. 117).

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lamis " who destroyed images were punished as heretics, while, for example, tipsy players who "in the old-fashioned way" attempted to kill the figures of saints without any ideological background and accomplices could expect more lenient treatment.42 In the late Middle Ages and early Modern times, Catholic Europe did not have a single scale of punishments for physical aggression against images. Depending on local legal regulations, the political context, the social status and reputation of the perpetrator, as well as possible extenuating circumstances (such as intoxication). he might have been subjected to ecclesiastical penance, a fine, the wearing of a shameful mitre, a public flagellation, the gallows, or the pyre.43
As we have already seen, the essence of such a crime could be classified as either sacrilegium or blasphemium - the boundary between these concepts was shaky.44 For example, the legislative code Las Siete Partidas (VII, 28, 4-5), drawn up in 1256-1263 under the Castilian king Alfonso X the Wise and still in force in Modern times in the Spanish colonies in the New World, characterized physical attacks against sacred images - whether spitting at them, throwing stones at them, or stabbing them - like blasphemy. At the same time, blasphemy by deed should be punished more severely than verbal attacks against sacred persons and objects. If, in the case of verbal blasphemy, one who has some property is deprived of its fourth part for the first time, and on the third time he is driven out of the city, and the one who has nothing to take receives 50 lashes for the first time, and on the third time his tongue is cut off, in case of blasphemy, by deed from the first 45. It is prescribed to expel the haves twice, and to cut off the hand of the have-nots. In the 16th century, a French lawyer

42. См.: Christin, O. Une révolition symbolique: 18-22.

43. See: W. J. Connell, J. Constable. Sacrilege and retribution in Renaissance Florence. The case of Antonio Rinaldeschi, Moscow: Canon+, 2010, pp. 65-69, 77-93.

44. Ibid., pp. 77-78 (ed. 3), 90; Christin, O. (1994) "Sur la condamnation du blasphème (XVIe-XVIIe siècles)", Revue d'histoire de l'Église de France 80 (204): 43-64.

45. Lopez, G. (ed.) (1843) Las siete partidas del rey don Alfonso el Sabio. T. 4, p. 670. Paris: Lecointe y Laserre; Burns, S.P. (ed.) (2001) Las Siete Partidas. Vol. 5, pp. 1448-1450. Philadelphia: De Gruyter. On blasphemy and its persecution in colonial Mexico, see Villa-Flores, J. (2006) Dangerous Speech: A Social History of Blasphemy in Colonial Mexico. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. The Florentine Synods of 1516-1517 also adhered to the social differentiation of punishment: if someone, driven by diabolical malice, physically encroaches on the images of Christ or the Virgin Mary, then, whether he is a noble person, he must pay

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Nicolas Boyer (Boerius) (1469-1539), in his treatise The Golden Decisions, calls those who de facto insult God by throwing stones or spitting at images of Christ, the Virgin Mary, or saints blasphemers, not blasphemers.46 It is no coincidence that in the first edition of Das Narrenschiff by Sebastian Brant, published in Basel in 1494, the chapter on blasphemers opens with an engraving by Albrecht Durer of a jester attacking a crucifixion with a trident (Fig.

Figure 5. The symbol of blasphemy: the fool attacks the crucifix. Illustration by A. Durer to the poem "Ship of Fools" by Sebastian Brant (Basel, 1494).

It is important that Martin de Andosilla, and in the XVI-XVII centuries - in many other authors, theologians and demonologists, blackmail/punishment of saints is not only condemned as superstition and / or blasphemy (sacrilege), but is put on a par with outright demonism-

a fine, and if he is a commoner, he should be chained up and forced to wear the infamous "mitre"for three years. In this case, the cleric was banned from the ministry and the beneficiaries were confiscated (Connell W. J., Constable J. Smith, etc.). Sacrilege and Retribution in Renaissance Florence, p. 90).

46. Bohier, N. (1576) Decisiones aureae in sacro Burdegalensium senatu olim discussarum, pp. 615-618 (II, 254 - On sacrilege), 749-755 (II, 301 - On blasphemy). Venezia.

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cultivated magical practices 47. For example, Jean Baudin in his famous treatise "On the demonomania of sorcerers" (1580) gives several examples of such abuses. The first of these he borrowed from the History of the Neapolitan War (1499)by Giovanni Pontano. During the confrontation (1459-1465) between King Ferdinand I of Naples and the rebellious barons who wanted to install Jean II of Anjou on the throne, the royal troops besieged the town of Sessa, which was defended by the French. As a terrible heat wave set in, the besieged suffered from a lack of water. Then the priests (Bodin, changing the words of Pontano, calls them "priests-sorcerers") managed to take the crucifix to the seashore at night and, blaspheming, threw it into the water. They also fed the donkey a consecrated host and buried it alive on the church's doorstep.49 Immediately a heavy rainstorm began, causing such a deluge that the Spaniards were forced to raise the siege. According to Bodin, similar things are also practiced in France. In 1557, in Toulouse, he himself saw children drag crucifixes and statues to the river in the middle of the day to make it rain, and then someone threw the relics into a well. In his opinion, the common people learned such blasphemy from the Col.-

47. Sources from the 15th and 17th centuries-from demonological treatises or works on superstition to court cases or missionaries ' reports-give many examples of how images of saints could be appropriated for various magical purposes. For example, the authors of The Hammer of Witches (1486) mention that crucifixes were broken into pieces to heal or protect certain parts of the body:" So, if someone wants to be protected from wounds or blows to the head, he removes the head from the image of Christ. Whoever wants to protect the neck from injury removes the same part of the body from the crucifix. Whoever wishes to have a protected hand, tears off the image of the Crucified Man's hand, etc... Thus, out of ten images of Christ standing at intersections, not a single whole can be found" (Sprenger Ya., Institoris G. Hammer of Witches. Moscow: Amphora, 2001. pp. 292, 297 (part II, chapter 16)).

48. Pontano, G. (1509) De bello neapolitano et de sermone. Napoli (without pagination; see book V).

49. In France, the donkey with a host in its mouth (devouring the host) was often depicted on the modillions of Romanesque churches. N. Kenaan-Kedar connects this plot with the" feast of the donkey "(festa asinaria), when the lower clergy celebrated a "grotesque mass" in honor of the flight of the Holy Family to Egypt and for the period of the holiday chose from their environments of the Bishop of Fools (Kenaan-Kedar, N. (1986) "Les modillons de Saintonge et du Poitou comme manifestation de la culture laique", Cahiers de civilization médiévale 29(116): 314, 317-318, 330, Fig. 1). According to another, more likely version, the donkey (or sometimes some monster) with a host symbolizes those who take communion, not believing that it is the body of Christ, and thereby commit sacrilege (Weir, A., Jerman, J. (1999) Images of Lust. Sexual Carvings on Medieval Churches, p. 92, Fig. 37a. London; New York: Routledge).

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doons who purposefully spread their pernicious science 50.

In the era of the Counter-Reformation-in the face of Protestant iconophobia and iconoclasm-the Catholic Church undertook to "purge" its cult of images from dogmatically or morally questionable subjects and practices. The main ideological guidelines were formulated in 1563 at the 25th session of the Council of Trent.51 However, these brief theses had to be concretized into an integral doctrine that would separate true (and salutary) images from harmful and heretical ones, and legitimate practices from illegitimate ones. theologian Jan van der Melen (Molanus) of Louvain and Archbishop Gabriele Paleotti of Bologna, among others, took on this task.

Molanus, in his treatise De picturis et imaginibus sacris (1570), refers the punishment/blackmail of saints to the category of superstition and lists in one row the "drowning" of images (Sts. St. Peter, Paul, Urban) or relics (St. Felice) to cause or stop rainstorms, the humiliation of crucifixes and statues during the suspension of services, and the usurpation of church images by sorcerers and witches 52. Gabriele Paleotti, in his unfinished Discorso intorno alle imagini sacre et profane (1582), also denouncing the punishment/blackmail of saints as superstition (II, 8), fits it into a detailed classification of illicit images or practices associated with them. In his system, superstition finds itself halfway between controversial images that can only potentially mislead the viewer, and openly heretical images that preach false doctrines.53
50. Bodin, J. (1586) De la Demonomanie des sorciers, pp. 193-194. Anvers.

51. См.: Canones et decreta sacrosancti oecumenici Concilii Tridentini sub Paulo III, Iulio III et Pio IV pontificibus maximis cum patrum subscriptionibus (1856), pp. 173-176. Leipzig.

52. Molanus, J. (1570) De picturis et imaginibus sacris liber unus, tractans de vitandis circa eas abusibus ac de earundem signijicationibus, pp. 57-59. Louvain. For Molanus ' position on dubious images, see Freedberg, D. (1982)" The Hidden God: Image and Interdiction in the Netherlands in the Sixteenth Century", Art History 5: 133-153.

53. Paleotti distinguishes (II, 3-9) several types of dubious images. They can be (1) provocative (temerariis) - when something possible is passed off as reliably known, although the Church has not made a decision on this matter (for example, in the image of the Last Judgment, there are more priests than monks among the righteous); (2) scandalous (scandalosae) - when heretics are not able to refute the dogmas of the Church, attack the morals of its clergy and emphasize only the darkest and lowest in them (for example, they portray the Holy Spirit).-

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Early Modern Catholic intellectuals saw the punishment/blackmail of saints as one of the excesses of popular religiosity; one of the points where the superstitions of simple Christians (who, in their view, were often Christians in name only) converged with the practices of pagans (who had yet to be converted to Christianity).54. In the 1580s, the Jesuit missionary Alessandro Valgnano, based on the news brought from China by his fellow member of the order, Matteo Ricci, wrote that Mandarins do not show too much respect for their idols; the common people pray to them at home and in temples, but nevertheless offend them (y les dizen muchas iniurias) and even beats (açotar) when they do not respond to requests 55. A similar instrumental approach was attributed to the Indians. The theorist and practitioner of witch hunting, Pierre de Lancre, in his treatise Tableau de l'inconstance des mauvais anges et démons (1612), with reference to the Spanish missionary and scholar Jose de Acosta, wrote that the Indians fervently worship their gods, i.e. demons. However, if the idols do not hear the prayers, they begin to beat them, and then fall on their knees, asking for forgiveness.56 This cycle is from unheard-

schennikov with concubines); (3) erroneous (erroneae) - depending on the nature of the error, they can be monstrous, apocryphal, superstitious, etc.; (4) suspicious (suspectis) - when, for example, a demon in priestly vestments baptizes a baby , the viewer may think that a baptism performed by an unworthy priest is invalid; (5) heretical (haereticis) - when they depict, without explicit condemnation, things and practices that are directly condemned by the Catholic Church (a woman serves mass, someone destroys holy images, etc.). See: Paleotti, G. (1594) De imaginibus sacris et profanis illus striss. et reverendiss. libri quinque, pp. 146-165, (on punishment/blackmail-161). Ingolstadt; Prodi, P. (ed.) (2012) Gabriele Paleotti. Discourse on Sacred and Profane Images, pp. 160-172. Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute.

54. For example, Michel Le Noblet (1577-1652), one of the most active missionaries of the French Counter-Reformation, encountered the beating of statues of saints while preaching in Western Brittany. See: Verjus, A. (1666) La vie de M. Le Nobletz: missionnaire de Bretagne, p. 184. Paris. On Catholic discourses of internal and external missionary work in the 16th and 17th centuries, see Wanegffelen, Th. (2007) Acculturation ecclesiastique et "religion populaire": Hommage a l'auteur du concept de "profanisation", in H. Michel, J. Fouilleron (éds.) Mélanges à la mémoire de Michel Péronnet. Vol. 1, pp. 259-276. Montpellier: Presses Universitaires de la Méditerranée.

55. Monumenta Xaveriana ex autographis vel ex antiquioribus collecta (1899, 1900). T. 1, p. 185-186. Madrid, 1899-1900; см.: Reinders, E. (2004) "Monkey Kings Make Havoc: Iconoclasm and Murder in the Chinese Cultural Revolution", Religion 34(3): 195-196; App, U. (2012) The Cult of Emptiness: The Western Discovery of Buddhist Thought and the Invention of Oriental Philosophy, p. 91. Kyoto: UniversityMedia.

56. De Lancre, P. (1613) Tableau de l'inconstance des mauvais anges et démons, p. 16. Paris.

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from a request to a beating, and from a beating to reconciliation, is also quite typical of many descriptions of punishment/blackmail of saints by Catholics.

Violence against Images: Between Faith and Disbelief

Historians who have written about the punishment/blackmail of images (Richard Trexler - based on the material of Florence of the XV-XVI centuries, Serge Gruzinsky - colonial Mexico of the XVI-XVII centuries, Boris Uspensky and Andrey Bulychev - the Muscovite Kingdom of the same time, Elena Smilyanskaya - the Russian Empire of the XVIII century), are unanimous that such violence against the Russian people is based on the to the shrines was the reverse side of their fervent veneration. As Trexler wrote, it was based on a devoted " friendship." A person has invested so much - prayers, time, money, hope, self - restraint-in the image he worships, and that in a difficult moment he did not hear it. He was disappointed and angry that "his" Christ," his " Virgin Mary, or "his" saint did not respond to prayer, did not come to help, did not get out of trouble, and thus did not fulfill their obligations. A person does not take revenge on all the Christs or St. Antony, but only on his own: the one with whom he was "familiar" and who betrayed him. Your Christ or St. John the Baptist. Anthony is the indissoluble unity of a concrete image and its prototype, which through this image receives people's prayers and shows them its power.57
Elena Smilyanskaya notes the same point, only based on the Russian material of the XVIII century. According to her, despite church teachings against the deification of icons and prohibitions against calling them "gods", "in the popular consciousness, the concept of "Deity"was interpreted quite materially, primarily embodied in the icon." In 1736, the soldier Philip Mandykhin, complaining about the weather, said: "Yesterday God was dry, but now it is wet, I would take God [i.e., the icon - MM] and cut Him with a whip." This lack of reverence did not stem from doubts about the omnipotence of God, but "from the rapprochement with God that is characteristic of ordinary religious consciousness."-

57. Trexler, R.C. (1972) "Florentine Religious Experience: The Sacred Image", Studies in the Renaissance 19: 26-29; ср.: Gruzinski, S. "Images and Cultural Mestizaje in Colonial Mexico", pp. 67-68.

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the collapse with the earthly and the transfer of earthly relations to relations with the Almighty " 58.

Nevertheless, when investigating such incidents, we should not forget about several controversial points. First, blackmail, which implies not only specific demands, but also the hope of their fulfillment, is sometimes indistinguishable in form from impotent threats and outbursts of anger.59 For some, threats against the saints could clearly be a kind of blasphemous saying. For example, Count Mario Tolomeo Nerucci, who was denounced to the Venetian Inquisition in 1685, was known for saying at the gaming table: "Saint Peter, I'll tear your beard out!" 60.

Secondly, not every attempt on a statue or mural should be taken as evidence of devoted trust and personal "quarrel" with the saint who is depicted on them. An identical gesture - the (public) humiliation, defacing, or destruction of a saint's figure - could hide competing, but not necessarily identical, figures.-

58. Smilyanskaya E. B. Magicians. Blasphemers. Heretics. Narodnaya religiosity and "spiritual crimes" in Russia of the XVIII century. Moscow: Indrik, 2003, pp. 218-219. Icons are fervently prayed to, icons are humiliated or smashed to splinters. Such an explosive mixture of hope and violence is sometimes presented as a unique feature of (popular) Orthodoxy, with its special attitude to the image and "deification" of the icon. Someone deduces this specificity from Byzantine theology, someone-from the ancient Slavic paganism (Uspensky B. A. Philological research in the field of Slavic antiquities. Moscow: Izd. Moscow. un-ta, 1982. p. 182 (see also: p. 114-115); Bulychev A. A. Between saints and demons. p. 167, 170, 172; cf.: Tarasov O. Yu. Icon and piety: Ocherki ikonnogo dela v imperatorskoy Rossii [Essays on icon Making in Imperial Russia]. Moscow: Progresskultura; Traditsiya, 1995, p. 76). However, the specifics of (popular) Orthodoxy are certainly greatly exaggerated. As we can see, similar or even identical practices have existed in the Catholic world for centuries. The fundamental difference was that in the Russian Middle Ages, as far as I know, the practice of punishing/blackmailing icons by the Church was never directly legitimized.

59. Smilyanskaya mentions the case of subchancellor Vasily Gustyshev. He once got drunk with the guests, and when two soldiers came to call him for service, he got angry and, looking at the icon in the salary, began to swear. Witnesses reported his words in different ways: "If you don't have mercy on me, I'll rip you off [i.e., I'll take off your salary - M. M.] and throw you in the shit" or "As I taxed you, I don't have happiness, and if you don't have mercy, I'll rip you off and break you to pieces" (Smilyanskaya E. B. Magicians. Blasphemers. Heretics, p. 215). Where in such cases the line between blackmail and swearing passes, it is not always possible to find out (especially since in the mind of the person they clearly overlap). Therefore, it is important to know whether the threat of violence remained at the level of words or was still translated into action.

60. Barbierato, F. (2012) The Inquisitor in the Hat Shop: Inquisition, Forbidden Books and Unbelief in Early Modern Venice, p. 78. Farnham, UK: Ashgate Publishing.

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roy has completely incompatible feelings and aspirations. Let's take a look at three stories.

No. 1. In 1501, a certain Antonio Rinaldeschi was hanged in Florence. His crime was that, after losing a game of dice, he threw a lump of dung in desperation at the fresco of the Annunciation on the wall of a small chapel near the tavern where fortune had failed him. Having committed a crime, he ran away, and when he was still found out and came to be arrested, he unsuccessfully tried to stab himself with a knife. As a result, he was sentenced to death for a combination of crimes (gambling, sacrilege and attempted suicide) and to warn other wicked people. Rinaldeschi's reputation was bad, he was not noticed in special reverence for the Virgin Mary, and he committed a sacrilege in anger for losing the game.

N 2. In 1520, in the village of Utsnach, in the canton of Zurich, a small carved crucifix was broken and thrown out of the window by a certain Uli Anders in a tavern. He said that " idols are useless and that they can't help you in any way." All that is known about Anders is that he once laughed at the cardinal's servant, and at the trial told the witnesses that they should honor God in heaven, and not the "body of the Lord", i.e., apparently attacked the Catholic doctrine of the eucharist. The Zurich City Council sentenced him to death for blasphemy. We do not know if Anders ever heard the sermons of the Reformation fathers Martin Luther and Ulrich Zwingli, but his sacrilegious gesture was probably intended to expose the Catholic cult of images as idolatry. 62
No. 3. In 1569, in Bologna, the tailor's wife Andrea Mantanari, yielding to the persuasions of the confessor, denounced her husband to the Inquisition. Every time his thread broke while he was working, she said, he immediately burst out into blasphemous abuse. Once, when the thread failed him once again, he tore a paper image of the Madonna from the wall and threw it into the fire, and then tore it to shreds and also burned another boomage-

61. See: W. J. Connell, J. Constable. Sacrilege and Retribution in Renaissance Florence; for attempts on images of saints in Renaissance Florence, see Holmes, M. (2013) The Miraculous Image in Renaissance Florence. New Haven: Yale University Press.

62. См.: Wandel, L.P. (2012) "Idolatry and Iconoclasm: Alien Religions and Reformation", in N.N. May (ed.) Iconoclasm and Text Destruction in the Ancient Near East and Beyond, pp. 485-486, 488, 495-497. Chicago: The Oriental Institute.

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a large icon depicting Christ on the cross, with the Virgin Mary and Mary Magdalene next to it. He threatened that if the thread broke again, he would wipe his ass with the last remaining picture of the Virgin Mary. He also said that he wanted to buy an image of Christ and bake it on a brazier like a pretzel. According to his wife, during the 16 years of their marriage, Andrea never confessed or received communion 63.

An ideological Protestant iconoclast smashes a Catholic crucifix or statue of a saint to demonstrate the emptiness and impotence of the "idol"; a Catholic, embittered by the fact that the higher powers did not help him, to take revenge on the power that is contained in this image. The former seeks to overthrow the system in its foundations: for him, the Catholic cult of images is idolatry; the latter recognizes it and is angry only because it did not work in his case. However, aren't those who are already unsure of the power of saints or the effectiveness of images prone to such punishments?

The line between momentary annoyance at the fact that the heavenly patron did not help, and doubt in its power as such, between situational disbelief in the power of a particular statue and denial of the cult of images, certainly exists, but sometimes it turns out to be shaky. After all, to believe in the saints, as well as to believe in God, simultaneously means to believe that they exist, and to believe in them, that is, to put our trust in them. You can believe in the reality of heavenly patrons, but lose faith in the fact that they care about people; assume that they are favorable to others, but lose personal trust; stop praying to them, decide that they do not exist at all; claim that they do not exist, in the hope that they will still show their presence Some-like freethinkers and religious nonconformists-encroach on altars and statues not out of hostility to specific heavenly intercessors, but in order to settle scores with the clergy and the Church, whose power over people rests on shrines. and the rescue practices that are structured around them.

63. См.: Scaramella, P. (2007) "'Madonne violate e Christi abbruciati': note sull'iconoclastia in Italia tra Rinascimento e Controriforma", in G.P. Brizzi, G. Olmi (eds.) Dai cantieri alla storia. Liber amicorum per Paolo Prodi, pp. 55-70. Bologna: CLUEB.

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