During the second half of the twentieth century, a prominent place in Coptology was occupied by the hypothesis of the monastic origin of the Gnostic manuscripts of the Nag Hammadi library. Adherents of this hypothesis assumed that the Gnostics were members of Coptic monastic communities, in particular the Pachomian rite. Despite the fact that today researchers have presented many facts that indicate that the Gnostics were most likely not Pachomian monks, one should not, however, reject the assumption of possible relationships and contacts between Gnostics and Pachomian monks.

The hypothesis of a fourth-century relationship between Gnostics and Pachomian monks, and the discussion surrounding it, was inspired by the discovery of papyri cartonages from the Nag Hammadi Gnostic library's codices. The hypothesis of the relationship between monks and Gnostics found both its supporters and opponents.

A. Veilleux, citing existing opinions in historiography, believes that it is not necessary to completely deny the possibility of such contacts, but there is no convincing evidence in favor of this point of view [Veilleux, 1986, p. 306]. A. L. Khosroev, on the contrary, is an opponent of this hypothesis [Khosroev, 1997, pp. 127-128]. Although A. Veyo and A. L. Khosroev in their works made an attempt to sum up the final discussion about the belonging of the Nag Hammadi treatises to Pachomian monasteries, E. Vipszycka considered the problem of possible relationships between Gnostics and Pachomian monks from the point of view of papyrology, giving strong evidence against the arguments of supporters of the hypothesis of an indubitable relationship between Gnostics and Pachomians [Wipszycka, 2000, pp. 188-189]. Meanwhile, the final point in this issue can only be put by finding new sources, thanks to which it would be possible to prove or refute the existence of such connections with full confidence.

The chronological framework of the article is determined by modern dating of Gnostic treatises that formed the basis of religious, mystical and magical practices of the Nag Hammadi community. Currently, the Nag Hammadi Library dates from the mid - second half of the fourth century. [Khosroev, 1997, p. 223]. Nevertheless, the library's treatises were in circulation in Egypt much earlier. In the fourth century. the growing strength of the church (as evidenced, in particular, by the Paschal epistle of Patriarch Athanasius of Alexandria, written in 367) probably pushed Gnostic and other heretical Christian and non-Christian groups to the south of the country.

To solve the question of the existence of hypothetical contacts of the Gnostic group of Nag Hammadi with Pachomian monasteries, we can use three different categories of sources: archaeological (materials of the excavations of the expedition of J. R. R. Tolkien). Robinson), codicological (materials of papyri that formed cartonages of the Nag Hammadi codices) and narrative ("Chronicles"). Of course, both excavations and the study of papiru-

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The use of cartonages and the interpretation of Pachomian writings do not provide direct information about the connection between the monasteries and the Gnostic group of Nag Hammadi. But they indicate that:

1) the Pachomian monasteries and the probable location of the Nag Hammadi Gnostic group were located close to each other;

2) the sources contain direct and indirect evidence of bilateral contacts between "unorthodox" Christians and monks of the Pachomian union.

The Nag Hammadi Library was found in Upper Egypt, near the modern village of Hamra Dum. As shown by the three-season archaeological excavations of the expedition led by J. Robinson, an unnamed monastery, which became part of the Pachomian union, as well as the Pachomian monastery of the Pbou, were located on this territory, near Henoboskion. The relative proximity of the burial site of the Gnostic library and the location of the monastic communities suggests the presence of contacts between them.

Since the archaeological context of the Nag Hammadi library is irretrievably lost (the manuscripts were sold in parts on the Egyptian black market), the researchers tried to find archaeological material related to the activities of the Gnostic group in the Nag Hammadi area.

The first season of excavations was held in 1975 under the direction of J. R. R. Tolkien. Robinson and T. Seve-Soderbergh. The main goal of the expedition was to compare all available data and determine the location of the burial of Gnostic manuscripts. In addition, it was supposed to study the tombs of the VI Dynasty. The auxiliary task was dictated by the need to investigate the circumstances of the discovery of the Gnostic library manuscripts, since until 1975 researchers had to mainly follow the information provided by Jean Doresse in his book [Doresse, 1958]. J. Robinson began to study the area of distribution of the Pachomian monastic movement, since this area was part of the territory of the proposed region of discovery of Gnostic manuscripts.

The expedition determined the place of finding the manuscripts from the photographs of Zh. Doressa discovered caves, and in one of them, according to the testimony of Muhammad Ali-a local fellah (peasant) who found the Gnostic library-he saw a sealed vessel, inside which the library turned out to be. As a result of the magnetometric survey conducted by F. Hammond, no underground anomalies were found, and the earlier version of the discovery of manuscripts in the cemetery was not confirmed, since no traces of this necropolis were found in the area of the Gebel el-Tarif caves [Robinson and Elderen, 1976, p. 20].

Muhammad Ali, who first pointed out to J. R. R. Tolkien: Robinson's visit to the Tawti tomb of the VI Dynasty, where he allegedly found the codices in a sealed vessel about 60 cm high [Robinson and Elderen, 1976, p. 19], began to repeatedly change his testimony. As a result of the survey of caves in the area where the Nag Hammadi manuscripts were found, the expedition members found ceramics from the New Kingdom and the Byzantine period.

In 1976, the second excavation season took place, during which the area of the village of al-Qasr, located on the site of the Henoboskion monastery, was examined. In the first centuries, a village was located here, where Pachomius became a monk and lived in a hermit's cave with his spiritual father Palamon: "And Pachomius, having reached the Upper Thebaid, came to the church of a village called Henoboskia (ХенΗνοβοσκεια,). And having received instructions there (in the rules of faith), he was baptized. And when they told him about a hermit named Palamon, he came to him to lead a solitary life" (Vitae Pachomii G1§ 5-6) [trans.: Khosroev, 2004].

After the monasteries of Tabennesi (ταβεννησις) and Pbou (Πβαν) were founded, an independent monastery in Henoboskion joined Monashesco-

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as the third monastery of the Pachomians: "... there came an old ascetic named Eponuch (επωνυχος, ), the father of another monastery of the old brothers. And he (Pachomius) asked that the monastery accept him into the fellowship of the brethren. This abode is called Henoboskion" (Vitae Pachomii G 1 § 54).

The expedition of J. R. R. Tolkien Robinson's discovery of many stone blocks and statue fragments in al-Qasr confirmed the existence of the Henoboskion. Objects belonging to the Roman period of Egypt's history were also found here - a Roman coin from the time of Vespasian's African viceroyalty, which J. R. R. Tolkien found in the area. Robinson and B. van Elderen dated 25 AD, and an epigraphic inscription dating back to the reign of Emperor Hadrian (beginning of the second century) [Elderen and Robinson, 1978, p. 52]. The stone block on which the inscription was engraved served as the threshold of one of the houses in the village of al-Qasr.

The inscription consists of two lines, the central parts of which (approximately 50 cm) have been erased by continuous use of the threshold for many generations. However, the researchers were able to read the beginning and end of each line, except for the places hidden by the door jambs.:

ΠΕΡΑΥΤΟΚΡ ΤΡΑΙΑΝ

ΔΡΙΑΝΟ ΤΥΧΗΣ

Possible reconstruction of the inscription proposed by J. R. R. Tolkien By J. Robinson and B. van Elderen, it looks like this:

υ] περ Αυτοκρ[ ατορος Καισαρος] Τραιαν[ ου

Α] δριανο[υ Σεβαστου αγαθηφ] τυχης

"For the Autocrat Caesar Trajan Hadrian the Sacred - (I wish) a good fate." According to the inscription, it dates back to the time of the Emperor Hadrian, which is a hundred years before the foundation of the monastery of Henoboskion. It is a formula typical of various dedicatory inscriptions. 1 Since such texts usually accompanied a rather large object dedicated to a particular person or deity (statue, temple, etc.), and this inscription itself was presumably compiled according to the metropolitan canon, it can be assumed that the Henoboskion in the II century. it was a rich and developed center (it is doubtful that such a block of Fellahs was taken from Thebes, which is located about 90 km upstream of the Nile).

Expeditions under the leadership of J. R. R. Tolkien Robinson was unable to find the location where the Nag Hammadi Library was hidden, nor did he find any other material evidence of the Gnostic group's existence in the Nag Hammadi area. But, among other things, its members at the site of the settlement of Henoboskion found evidence of the existence of an unnamed monastery, probably the monastery of Eponuha. It is not known by what rules this monastery was organized before its entry into the Pachomian Union [Khosroev, 2004, p. 53]. The success of the expedition was the recording of Fellah Muhammad Ali's account of the circumstances surrounding the discovery of the Gnostic library.

As noted by B. van Elderen, summing up the archaeological survey of the Nag Hammadi area conducted in the second half of the 1970s, subsequent archaeological research in this area should provide more information necessary to trace the development of religious movements in this part of Upper Egypt (Elderen, 1980, p.26). Therefore, the archaeological and historical context of the existence of the Gnostic Nag Hammadi group here, and the overall religious situation in this area of Upper Egypt, can only be restored thanks to

1 See the texts of various dedicatory inscriptions from the Hellenistic period (Bernard, 2001) and the Greco-Roman period in general (Kayser, 1994).

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full-scale work or, most likely, an accidental discovery that will not remain out of sight of the AR Antiquities Service and the Egyptian government.

It is rather difficult to determine what type of Gnostic group Nag Hammadi belonged to (Gnostics-"ascetics" who called for withdrawal from the world, or those of the Gnostics who offered to enjoy the joys of life), since the treatises included in the Nag Hammadi library were written by both the first and the second and have a different nature [Robinson, 1977, p. 1-10]. In particular, they contain Gnostic writings that call for escape from the world and the crowd of people. Based on this, it can be assumed that the monks may have been attracted by certain motives of Gnostic dogmas concerning salvation. However, at the same time, they may well not have adhered to these regulations. In addition, as noted by A. However, there is no visible evidence that at least one Nag Hammadi treatise is based on orthodox monastic writings, and, conversely, there are no parallels in any monastic source with the Coptic text of the Nag Hammadi manuscripts (Veilleux, 1986, p.291).

Despite the strict Pachomian rules, the union monasteries sometimes interacted with the local population and even in some cases acted as intermediaries in resolving financial issues.2 This relative openness of the Pachomian monasteries can also serve as an indirect confirmation of the possibility of contacts with Gnostic groups in the Henoboskion area. But E. Wipszycka notes that NH VII12C could hardly have belonged to Pachomian monks, since the Pachomian charter was quite strict with respect to freedom of trade and production [Wipszycka, 2000, p. 182].

Indirect evidence of the relationship between the monks of the Pachomian monasteries and "heretics" and " pagans "is also found in the Chronicles, written by an anonymous author. Perhaps it is not possible to say that the monastic heretics described in section 33, "On heretics who wear woolen clothing", are of any Gnostic origin, or that section 37, "On Idolatry", refers to members of a certain Gnostic group. Nevertheless, this information is valuable as evidence of the non-Christian (or "unorthodox" Christian) environment of the monks of the Pachomian monasteries.

It is likely that asceticism was practiced in the area of The Thebaid not only by monks from the monasteries of the Pachomian union, but also by certain members of the community who were called "monastic heretics"in the text. From the text, we can conclude that these people differed from all the others in their woolen clothes, hair shirts, which they wore: "One day, several heretic monks who were wearing sackcloth heard about Saint Pachomius. They came to his monastery and said to the brothers: "Our father has sent us to your great (father) with the words: "If you are truly a man of God and if you are sure that God hears you, let us cross the river together, walking with our feet (on the water), so that we may know which of us is more pleasing to God""" (Par. § 33) [trans.: Khosroyev, 2004]. It is doubtful whether these monastic heretics came to Pachomius from near Diospolis Magna (Thebes) or from the region of Middle Egypt. Most likely, the area of their ascetic practice was the vicinity of the monasteries of Henoboskion or Pbou, since the text of the Chronicles says that the heretics came personally to Pachomius.

In his reply to the heretics, Pachomius speaks of them, his brethren and lay people, "who think piously." Therefore, it seems that lay people who think piously are not heretics: "... he (Pachomius) was angry... and he said:"...such suggestions are alien to God and completely alien to our way of life...they are not peculiar even to lay people who think piously" (Par. § 33).

2 For example, a woman's letter to two monks requesting mediation in the NH VII12 C transaction.

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But the Pachomians preferred to ignore these heretical monks, which is the true Christian way of asceticism. Therefore, Pachomius orders the brethren not to fall for the tricks of heretical monks and not to become vain. Moreover, since the proposal to put Pachomius to the test is called "Satanic tricks", one can once again see that the views of the heretical monks and Pachomius were radically different from each other.

So what was the reason for the contacts between monks and heretics? Naturally, it is necessary to understand that the text of the source in later times was repeatedly edited, and, in particular, the information concerning the relationship between the Pachomians and those who are called "heretics" and "pagans" in the text was certainly distorted in the course of subsequent edits. But the very fact that monastic heretics, who are somewhat competitors of the Pachomians in asceticism, came to the monastery not to test Pachomius (as the anonymous editors and authors of the text tried to show), but to compare their spiritual powers with his forces in a mystical test, may indicate contacts between the Pachomian monastic communities and certain heretics (not only pagans, but also unorthodox Christians).

Another interesting passage in the Chronicles speaks of Pachomius ' attitude toward the Gentiles. It suggests that Pachomius may also have been familiar with the peculiarities of Gnostic theology and mythology: "... Pachomius said against idolatry: "This is godlessness! But some heathen will say: "I do not serve demons, but God. And even if I have idols, through them I invoke the powers of God as gods, and through them the great God. And the great (God) does not grieve, and he is attainable if he has other gods under him" "" (Par. § 37). The pagans with whom Pachomius argued had idols that they used in religious, and most likely, magical rites. It follows from the text that some "pagans" believed that certain lower-ranking gods were subordinate to the one God. A great God is attainable. The religious system of these pagans somewhat resembled both the Gnostic constructions and the magical rituals of Gnosticism. However, it is impossible to say seriously that this passage is devoted to the polemic of the Pachomians with the Gnostics, since Pachomius here could have polemicized both with supporters of Gnosticism and with those who adhered to Egyptian religious ideas, with Hermetists or with Neoplatonists. We should also not forget that in Egypt during this period there was, as A. A. Voitenko kindly drew my attention to this problem, a certain religious "cross-stripe". For example, it is enough to recall the story from the "History of the Egyptian Monks", which tells about the competition of a monk and a Manichaeus in one Egyptian city (N. M., X).

"Chronicles" depicts the image of Pachomius, fighting against the encroaching heretics and pagans who serve demons, and asserting true Christianity. But his position as a propagandist of Christianity consisted only in resisting demonic tricks. He also converted pagans (i.e. non-Christians) to Christianity: "This was to be kept silent until God gave a sign to convert these (Gentiles) to the truth, and this grace was given to me" (Par. § 37). It is likely that the promotion of Christianity among the surrounding population was one of the tasks of Pachomius, and in this area he competed with both monastic heretics and pagans. The Pachomians (and subsequent theologians who edited the hagiographic texts) could have placed the Gnostic group of Nag Hammadi in either of these two categories.

One thing is indisputable - almost all religious groups in Egypt interacted with each other, and these contacts could be quite peaceful or take the form of an ideological struggle. There may also have been cases of individual members of one religious movement converting to another, since the passage quoted above clearly indicates that Pachomius converted pagans to Christianity.

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Judging by the cartonage materials, there was probably another form of possible interaction between monasteries and the Gnostic group. The fact is that both monastic documentation and the writings of Gnostics could be copied in the script. However, the question of whether this scriptorium belongs to the Pachomian monastery is controversial, and the answer to it can only be found in the future, with the introduction of new sources into scientific circulation. E. Vipszycka notes that it cannot be assumed that all the papyri of cartonages are related to one territory, although this is likely [Wipszycka, 2000, p. 180].

Since the texts of the treatises that make up the Nag Hammadi Gnostic library do not directly mention the writings of monks, and Christian ideas in the form in which they were accepted by Coptic monks are also not contained there [Veilleux, 1986, p. 291-292], when considering the possible relationship between Pachomian monks and the Gnostic Nag community Hammadi cartonage texts can only serve as indirect sources. The cartonnage consisted of several layers of used and therefore unnecessary papyri, mainly legal (texts of various contracts), administrative-legal (legislative acts and petitions addressed to the authorities) and domestic nature (private correspondence). The papyri were written in Greek and Coptic. Pasteboard made from papyri was wrapped in leather and served as the cover for the codex compiled from several Gnostic treatises.

According to researchers, the Nag Hammadi library was composed of small collections, each of which included several codices [Robinson, 1975, p. 171-176]. However, E. Vipszycka notes that it is almost impossible to identify not only a specific scribe by handwriting, but also the scriptorium where the cartonage texts were produced [Wipszycka, 2000, p.188]. The contents of the cartonnage papyri of Codex VII suggest that it was written in a monastery scriptorium (which is doubtful) or in a scriptorium that served a group of monasteries, since almost all the papyri used in the cover of the Gnostic codex that were read are directly related to the life and activities of monks. This is a passage from the Book of Genesis (NH VII 89 c - NH VII 93 c), a fragment of a message or sermon (VII 100 c), and finally a monastic correspondence (NH VII 94 c - NH VII 99 c; NH VII 104 c, NH VII 101 c, NH VII 103 c, NH VII 105 c). Since at least one codex of the Nag Hammadi library may have been transcribed (or possibly compiled and bound) in the scriptorium that served the monasteries. It can be assumed that the Gnostic group of Nag Hammadi and the monastic, possibly Pachomian, community were somehow connected with each other.

However, E. Vipshitskaya claims that the cartonage texts and the texts of the Nag Hammadi treatises were not closely related to each other, since the covers easily adjoined the codices and could be made in the scriptorium, and attached to the codices in another place. In addition, the codex covers were more durable than the codices themselves written on fragile papyrus , so the covers could be used repeatedly [Wipszycka, 2000, p. 188].

It is rather difficult to talk about the nature of possible relationships between Gnostics and monks due to the lack of sources that would contain information about their financial, economic or religious aspects. If the monks of the local monastery considered the Gnostics of Nag Hammadi heretics and sinners, and, consequently, their fierce and implacable enemies, as they appear in the writings of the Alexandrian theologian Clement of Alexandria, then the scriptorium (if we stop at the assumption that it was still a monastery) would not have rewritten the book, the contents of which were heretical, from the point of view of Orthodox Christianity and Alexandrian theology, treatises. What might have been considered heresy in the 60s of the fourth century might not have been heresy 30 years earlier [Wipszycka, 2000, p. 180].

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An attempt to identify the unknown scriptorium, where at least one Nag Hammadi codex was probably rewritten, with a monastery of the Pachomian congregation is made possible by a letter from the steward (or oικονομος , a monk in charge of all the monastery's economic affairs) [Khosroev, 2004, pp. 115-116] Papnute () to a certain Pachomius () (NH VII 97 c - NH VII 99 c). Although J. R. R. Tolkien Barnes and J. Shelton argues that there is no reason to believe that the Pachomius mentioned in the letter is the legendary Pachomius the Great [Barns, 1981, p. 139; Shelton, 1981, p.10-11], who created the monasteries of the Pachomian rite and was their abbot, but this possibility cannot be denied. An indirect indication is that all the toponyms related to the Nag Hammadi area are contained in the texts of the papyri of the VII Codex. The monastery's economist could report in his letter to Pachomius on the current state of affairs. Unfortunately, the text of the letter is badly damaged, but the formula characteristic of many Coptic sources of the epistolary genre has been preserved:

To my beloved Father Pachomius,
Papnute, in the Lord, hail!
First of all I welcome you
Today, I welcome my brother E...

In addition, if we accept the reconstruction of NH VII 97 c verso 6, made by J. R. R. Tolkien. Barnes [Barns, 1981, p. 139] (as E. Vipshitskaya notes, this reconstruction should be approached with caution, since it is an assumption of J. R. R. Tolkien). Barnes) [Wipszycka, 2000, p. 182]) and G. Brownie,

"Send to my prophet father
Pachomia, from Papnute...", -

The hypothetical assumption that the letter is addressed to Ave Pachomius takes on some basis, since, as J. R. R. Tolkien has pointed out, the letter is written in the following way: Barns, 1981, p. 141), a similar formula was used in a later Arabic text, which refers to Pachomius the Great. Accordingly, it can be assumed that the scriptorium, where letters were simultaneously written (or stored), could also copy Gnostic manuscripts by order of the Nag Hammadi group. Unfortunately, it is not known whether the monks were personally interested in doing this work or simply fulfilling the order.

J. Shelton believes that one should be very careful about deciding whether the scriptorium and source of papyri that have become part of the cartonages of the Nag Hammadi codices, which differ in their type and language [Shelton, 1981, p.10-11]. It is also quite possible that the Codex VII treatises were copied not in the monastery scriptorium, but only using monastic materials. Although the assumption of J. R. R. Tolkien: Shelton's idea that the probable source of papyri for cartonages is a city dump is doubtful, since in this case documents of a secular nature that are not related to monastic activities would prevail. E. Vipshitskaya introduces the hypothesis of a merchant of used papyri, to whom the monks sold waste paper, and the merchant, in turn, sold these papyri to an artisan who made them. covers for various books [Wipszycka, 2000, p. 188-189]. But even in connection with the above-mentioned opinions of experts, it seems strange that the "monastic" orientation of the content of the treatises of the VII Codex and the materials of the cartonnage of the VII Codex, each of which is associated with monastic communities, is similar. Vipshitskaya speaks in this case of other monks or hermits, and not of Pachomian monks.

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If you read the texts of the cartonages of the Nag Hammadi library, you can see that several times there are toponyms of the area of Nag Hammadi, in which the Gnostic library was found - the names of the place and monastery of Henoboskion and the city of Diospolis. For example, the toponym Diospol is found in the papyri of the cartonnage of the VII Codex:

Διοσπολ - 101 v (NHC VII)

Διος πολις 101 v. n. (NHC VII)

Διοσπολ ιτης νομος 64. 5 (NHC VII)

In the text of the cartonnage papyri of Codex V and XI, the toponym Henoboskion is found:

Χηνοβοσκια 31.3 (NHC V)

Χηνοβοσκι της 153.9 (NHC XI)

The names "Diospolis" and "Henoboskion"are found in the text of cartonages relatively more often than other toponyms of Upper Egypt. 3 This may indicate that some of the cartonages from these papyri may have been made somewhere in the area of Henoboskion or Diospolis.

The Gnostic groups of Upper Egypt and the Pachomian monasteries were connected to each other, firstly, because of their geographical location. This is evidenced by the proximity of the Nag Hammadi Library discovery site and the location of the Pachomian monasteries - these objects are only a few kilometers away. Secondly, the texts of the sources reflect the existence of possible contacts between the Pachomians and other religious groups of Upper Egypt, in particular the Gnostics. And finally, third, fourth-century Egypt was characterized by a religious "cross-stripe" (close proximity of various religious movements). This is what we should take into account when talking about possible contacts between Gnostics and Pachomian monks.

list of literature

Khosroev A. L. From the history of early Christianity in Egypt. Moscow, 1997.

Khosroev A. L. Similar the Great (From the early history of coenobitic monasticism in Egypt). St. Petersburg, 2004.

Bams J. W. The Coptic Papyri // Greek and Coptic Papyri from the Cartonnage of the Covers I Ed. Bams J. W., Browne G. M., Shelton J. C. Leiden, 1981.

Bernard E. Inscriptions Grecques d'Alexandrie Ptolemdique. Le Caire, 2001.

Doresse J. Les Livres secrets de Gnostiques d'Egypte. P., 1958.

Elderen van B., Robinson J. The Second Season of the Nag Hammadi Excavation // Newsletter of American Research Center in Egypt. N 104. Spring 1978.

Elderen van B. The Fourth Season the Nag Hammadi Excavation // Newsletter of American Research Center in Egypt. N 111. Spring, 1980.

Kayser F. Recueil des Inscriptions Grecques et Latines. Le Caire, 1994.

Robinson J. The Construction of the Nag Hammadi Codices // Essays on the Nag Hammadi Texts / Ed. Krause M. Leiden, 1975.

Robinson J., Elderen van B. The First Season of the Nag Hammadi Excavation // Newsletter of American Research Center in Egypt. N 96. Spring 1976.

Robinson J. Introduction // The Nag Hammadi Library in English / Ed. Robinson J. N.Y., 1977.

Shelton J. C. Introduction // Greek and Coptic Papyri from the Cartonnage of the Covers I Ed. Bams J. W., Browne G. M., Shelton J. C. Leiden, 1981.

Veilleux A. Monastism and Gnosis in Egypt // The Roots of Egyptian Christianity / Ed. Pearson B. A., Goering J. E. Philadelphia, 1986.

Wipszycka E. The Nag Hammadi Library and the Monks: a Papyrologist's Point of View // The Journal of Juristic Papyrology. Vol. XXX (2000).

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

H. M. - " History of the Egyptian Monks "(Historia monachorum in Aegypto).

NHC - Nag Hammadi Codices.

NH VII 2C - NH VII 105c - Nag Hammadi Cartonnages.

Par. - "Paralipomena".

Vitae Pachomii G 1 - "The Life of Pachomius", Greek version (Vitae Pachomii, vita prima).

3 Compare table VI (Greek and Coptic Papyri, 1981, p. 110).

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