Recently, there has been an increased interest in the processes of globalization in the world and the problems they generate. At the same time, studying the positions of individual countries, analyzing the evolution of their role and place in international and regional systems, through which they interact with States located in other parts of the world, and actively participate in the life of the world community, remains relevant and important. Because of the nature of the struggle and the path Algeria followed to achieve independence and then strengthen its political and economic independence, it has taken one of the leading positions among the Third world countries.

Since gaining independence, Algeria's foreign policy has been based on the principles of positive neutrality, non-alignment with blocs, support for national liberation movements, and was aimed at developing bilateral relations with all States on the basis of full and real equality, respect for sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of others. His diplomacy was characterized by assertiveness, purposefulness, and took active positions on topical regional and international issues. It can even be said that Algeria's foreign policy and diplomacy is an extraordinary phenomenon in the history of international relations and therefore deserves a deep, comprehensive study.

When considering Algerian diplomacy, its contacts with Russian diplomacy, the assistance and support that Russia provides to the Algerian people in their struggle for strengthening political independence, for social and economic progress are of great interest.

The analysis of the main trends in the evolution of foreign policy and diplomacy in Algeria helps to better understand the processes of foreign policy formation, diplomacy and decision-making in this area that are common to most developing countries, and to gain a clearer understanding of political influence groups.

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Diplomacy and the diplomatic service of modern Algeria did not arise with the declaration of independence of the country, but much earlier. They were born in the course of the anti-colonial struggle of the Algerian people.

When in 1957 The Executive and Coordinating Committee of the FLN was based in Cairo, and its delegation was replaced in early 1958 by the Department of Foreign Affairs. Since the formation of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Algeria (APAR) in September 1958, the name " Department "has been abolished and replaced by"Ministry".

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From 1954 to September 1958, the FLN opened several bureaus abroad. Some of the FLN representatives enjoyed diplomatic privileges. These privileges extended to Algerians who worked in the FLN bureau in the Arab States (out of respect), as well as to the Algerian representative in New York, who enjoyed a "borrowed" diplomatic status, since he was officially a diplomat of the Yemeni embassy.

On February 6, 1960, a decree was issued on the organization of foreign missions, whose duties included resolving issues affecting the interests of Algeria and the relationship of Algerians with local authorities. The head of mission was appointed by the VPAR on the proposal of the Minister of Foreign Affairs; an agreman was requested from the Government of the country to which he was accredited. The head of the Algerian mission practically had all the prerogatives of a diplomatic representative in the host country.

The activity of Algerian missions, in our opinion, was a unique phenomenon in the history and practice of diplomacy, since it marked the emergence of a new institution of representation, which later came into use as the "section of interests".

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The current Constitution of Algeria defines the constitutional and foreign policy bodies of Algeria, their tasks and functions. Chapter 1 of the section "On the organization of Power" states that the President of the Republic "determines and conducts the country's foreign policy". It represents the state at home and abroad (Article 70), declares a state of war (Article 95) and signs armistice agreements and peace treaties (Article 97), accepts credentials and letters of recall from foreign diplomatic representatives, "appoints and recalls ambassadors and envoys extraordinary of the Republic abroad" [cit. by: Sapronova, p. 130-154].

The legislative branch - the National People's Assembly (Parliament) and the National Council (Senate) - has limited powers in resolving foreign policy issues. According to Article 130 of the Constitution of the country, the Parliament may, at the request of the President or one of the Chairmen of the Chambers, start a debate on foreign policy. At the same time, the debate ends with the adoption of a common resolution of both houses of Parliament at their joint session. This resolution is submitted to the President of the country. Armistice agreements, peace treaties, and treaties of alliance in accordance with Article 131 of the Constitution are ratified by him after they are approved by each of the chambers of Parliament.

The Algerian Constitution does not define the powers of the Government in the field of foreign policy, since it defines its sphere of activity only as an executive body that is completely subordinate to the head of State.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs occupies a special place in the system of State bodies of Algeria. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Algeria is the central executive body responsible for public administration of Algeria's relations with foreign States and international organizations. The Ministry is an elite agency that reports directly to the head of state. The competence of the Ministry, the directions of its activities, as well as the powers of the management staff are determined by the Constitution and special presidential decrees. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is charged not only with studying and analyzing the situation in the world, in particular events that may affect the interests of Algeria or its international relations, but also with developing a foreign policy strategy that ensures the interconnection and effectiveness of the country's international relations (Article 4) [Decree..., 2002].

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The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Algeria has a number of prerogatives that give it the right to coordinate the activities of State institutions abroad. All of them are required to coordinate with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Algeria or its diplomatic and consular missions abroad the agreements, transactions and programs of cooperation with foreign partners that they conclude.

In recent years, the Algerian leadership has begun to attach greater importance to the country's diplomatic service, training of diplomatic personnel and working with them. The Ministry's leadership considers the renewal and strengthening of the diplomatic apparatus to be very important and relevant. Steps are being taken to form the Ministry's management system, write internal regulations, establish a Center for Analysis and Forecasting, establish the Institute of Diplomacy and International Relations under the Algerian Foreign Ministry in 2002, establish cooperation between the Ministry and the capital's university, etc. In this work, priority is given to the human factor, in particular, the practice of developing plans for professional growth and promotion of diplomatic staff has begun to be implemented.

In the first years of the struggle for independence, the activities of the nascent Algerian diplomacy were primarily aimed at countering France's attempts to isolate Algerian patriots on the world stage, mobilizing the world community to support the struggle of the Algerian people against French domination, ensuring constant contacts with friendly states, and creating favorable international conditions for the national liberation revolution.

Algeria experienced a period of independence in the 1960s and 1970s, and this, of course, had a decisive impact on its foreign policy and diplomacy: on the one hand, it sharpened its relations with France and other European states, and on the other, it brought Algeria closer to the Soviet Union.

In the 1980s, when President Shadly Bendjedid was in power, Algeria's foreign policy priorities changed somewhat. The issue of de-ideologizing the state's foreign policy and finding ways to improve relations with France and other European countries was on the agenda.

From the second half of the 1980s to the present, Algeria has gone through serious internal political crises and repeated changes in the country's leadership. All this affected Algeria's foreign policy and the activities of Algerian diplomacy, bilateral relations with France, Russia and the European Union countries, and caused declines and ups in relations with them.

The specifics of the formation of foreign policy and the functioning of the Algerian diplomatic service in different historical periods should be considered taking into account the significant influence of the subjective factor represented by the President on them. The role of the Head of State in transitional societies is great, and underestimating it would lead to an incomplete understanding of the country's historical features.

Abdelaziz Bouteflika has had a serious impact on Algeria's foreign policy and diplomacy. Algerians call the period since 1999 "the golden age of Algerian diplomacy" [El Moudjahid. 18.03.2006]. When he came to power, not only was a new concept of the country's foreign policy developed, but the work of the diplomatic service was also restructured in order to adapt it to the new international conditions.

* * *

What are the principles and main directions of Algeria's foreign policy and diplomatic activity?

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Algeria has consistently pursued a foreign policy based on the principles of positive neutrality, non-alignment with blocs, and support for national liberation movements since gaining political independence. Algerian diplomacy sought to build relations with all countries on the basis of full and real equality, respect for sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States.

Nevertheless, in the 1960s and 1970s, these principles and goals were largely determined by the ideologies of anti-imperialism and anti-colonialism, which stemmed from the country's socialist orientation. In the early 1980s, a shift in priorities began to take place, which can be described as a turn towards greater political pragmatism. This was primarily reflected in the fact that the interest of Algerian diplomacy in pan-Arab and African issues, in the problems of the "third world" in general, somewhat decreased. This tendency has also manifested itself in the desire to view foreign policy mainly through the prism of domestic problems.

Since the mid-1980s and almost all of the 1990s, in the context of a serious political and socio-economic crisis experienced by the country, the process of further de-ideologization of Algeria's diplomatic course has been going on, and the activity of Algerian diplomacy on the world stage has been declining. With this in mind, Algeria is beginning to strive for equidistance in its relations with both the socialist and capitalist States, although with a gradually increasing tilt towards the latter.

When the new head of state came to power in early 1999, the foreign policy of the Autonomous Republic of Moldova underwent a number of significant changes, and a new concept was developed. This period at the turn of the century is interesting from the point of view of the emergence of new conceptual approaches to ensuring national interests, the turn towards strengthening and developing regional integration, active involvement in multilateral diplomacy, and turning cooperation with members of the League of Arab States, the African Union, and the Arab Maghreb Union into the main priority of Algerian foreign policy.

Nevertheless, the speeches of the Algerian leaders emphasize the immutability of the principles of the country's diplomatic activity, and they often say that Algeria has always supported strengthening international cooperation, developing friendly relations between States based on equality, mutual interests and non-interference in internal affairs. Statements about the need to "constantly strengthen the bonds of friendship and cooperation with friendly countries and partners" are not only constantly heard in the mouths of leaders, but can also be traced in the actions of Algerian diplomacy. This is confirmed by the treaties of friendship and strategic cooperation signed by Algeria in recent years with Russia, China, South Korea, Vietnam and a number of other states. Foreign Minister M. Bedjaoui has repeatedly stressed that the country's leadership would like to overcome the negative consequences of the previous "black decade" both in domestic and foreign policy terms. Algeria, he said, would like to "strengthen relations of friendship and cooperation with the entire ensemble of friendly countries and partners," and " establish exemplary ties with all of them." "Negotiations are underway and agreements on friendship and strategic cooperation will be signed," the minister stressed, "with those countries with which it will be possible to do so." [http://www.mae.dz, 25.06.05]. Speaking at the Institute of Diplomacy and International Relations in December 2005, the Foreign Minister stressed that " today, more than ever, diplomacy is designed to raise the image of the country, its culture and dignity." [http://www.mae.dz, 25.12.2005].

In the activities of Algerian diplomacy, there is a desire for more active participation of Algeria in the work of international organizations, for a large-scale discussion of international issues.-

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to address current issues of interest to the international community. These include the establishment of a new world economic order, dialogue among peoples and civilizations, the fight against international terrorism, the role of the Non-Aligned Movement in the modern world, etc.

* * *

Over the years of Algeria's independent development, the following main directions and priorities of its foreign policy and diplomatic activities have been formed, reflecting the main interests of the Algerian state. In its bilateral relations, Algerian diplomacy gave priority to the Arab, including Maghreb, and African areas, as well as to the development of relations with France, the United States, Russia, and European countries.

In the inter-Arab arena, Algerian diplomacy has declared its main goals to achieve Arab unity and end intra-Arab strife, develop a unified strategy, and support and strengthen the role of the League of Arab States (LAS). Algeria has always maintained a clear position on such critical issues as the Middle East conflict, Iraq's aggression against Kuwait and the US operation in Iraq. The emergence of a new phenomenon - extremist forces under the banner of Islam - has created prerequisites for coordinating actions in the fight against it with a number of Arab States, primarily with Egypt and Tunisia. Until the second half of the 1990s, Algeria worked most closely with the Arab countries that had a republican regime, and among them with those who belonged to the so-called progressive countries. After coming to power, President A. Bouteflika took the initiative to activate, expand and strengthen cooperation with the monarchical states of the Persian Gulf. The improvement of Algeria's relations with these countries allowed the country's leadership to pursue a policy of isolating Algerian radical Islamists in the international arena and depriving them of financial support from abroad.
With regard to the Arab world, Algerian diplomacy advocates deep structural and non-externally imposed changes that take into account local specifics. Algerians are active supporters of the reform of the Arab League, which, as they believe, is experiencing a deep crisis and needs to adapt to modern realities, without which it will not be able to effectively defend its common Arab interests. The political reform of the Arab League, according to Algeria, should pave the way for economic integration with access to the formation of an ultimately independent Arab pole in the world.

An important role in Algerian diplomacy was played by the issues of strengthening cooperation between the ANDR and the Arab States of North Africa. Algerian leaders quite often declare Algeria's commitment to the idea of building the Great Arab Maghreb. In the 60 - 80s of the XX century, relations between the countries of the region were not smooth, they experienced ups and downs. The difficulties that existed in relations between them were based on the problems of borders as a legacy of colonial times, different approaches to solving regional and international issues, etc. Bouteflika's rise to power gave a boost to Algeria's ties with the Maghreb countries. Algerian diplomacy is trying to reanimate the activities created in 1989. Union of the Arab Maghreb (SAM). Algeria participates in all activities carried out within the framework of this Union. However, in view of the remaining serious contradictions, primarily due to differences in their state structures, approaches to solving socio-economic, domestic and foreign policy problems, in particular, the Algerian-Moroccan differences on Western Sahara-

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However, the mechanism of this sub-regional organization continues to function sluggishly.

Speaking generally about Algeria's policy towards Arab countries, it should be noted that Algerian diplomacy attached importance to maintaining and developing relations with Arab countries, and took an active position in finding solutions to current inter-Arab and inter-Maghreb problems. There were several reasons for this activity. First of all, the spirit of pan-Arabism and Arab unity should be mentioned among them. Algeria is an Arab country where, as in most of them, Arabism and the ideas of Arab unity are widely spread among various segments of the population, and have deep historical, cultural, ethnic and linguistic roots. Of course, the Algerian leadership could not but take into account all this and take certain diplomatic steps aimed at strengthening the unity of the Arab countries, developing cooperation between them, and supporting a positive solution to the problems of concern to the Arab world. This direction of Algerian diplomacy was also promoted by the petty-bourgeois revolutionism inherent in the country's leadership. The slogans of anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism, and support for the national liberation struggle of the Arab peoples against foreign domination used by Algerian diplomacy were popular in the Arab world. Therefore, her actions were perceived favorably in the Arab world and contributed to the growth of Algeria's prestige. An important reason that prompted Algerian diplomacy to be active was the desire of the country's leadership to lead in the Arab world.

The African continent has always been a priority in Algeria's foreign policy. In this regard, it should be noted that already in the declaration of November 1, 1954, which announced to the world the beginning of the national liberation war against the French colonialists, the FLN declared that this war is part of the war being waged in Africa and in the "third world" for liberation from colonialism. By the end of the 1990s, Algeria had diplomatic missions in 29 African countries, with 28 of them signed agreements on the establishment of joint intergovernmental commissions.

The election of Bouteflika as President of the country marked a new stage in the activity of Algerian diplomacy on the African continent. It was in recognition of the country's contribution to solving pan-African problems that the regular XXXV session of the Assembly of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was held in the Algerian capital in 1999.

Algerians actively participated in the extraordinary OAU summit in Sirte (Libya) in September 1999, which decided to establish the African Union (AU), and at the next OAU summit in Lome, the capital of Togo, in July 2000, where the Constituent Act of the African Union was approved.... , 2000]. All these and other measures developed at pan-African summits, according to Algerians, are aimed at finding ways out of the socio-political, financial and economic crisis in Africa, accelerating its socio-economic progress.

In recent years, the African component of Algeria's foreign policy has significantly strengthened, especially in the field of peacekeeping (Ethiopia-Eritrea, Sudan-Darfur). The political capital he accumulated during his presidency of the OAU in 1999-2000 supports the Algerian leadership's claims to turn the country into one of the" centers of power " in Africa. A special position of Minister-Delegate for African Affairs was introduced in the Government of the Republic of Moldova. Algerians are clearly striving for the formation of an informal "troika" Algeria-South Africa-Nigeria. One of its main tasks should be to influence developed countries on debt issues and aid to African countries. The most recent example is the ambitious "Africa's Renaissance in the New Millennium Program", whose current name is " New Part-

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Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), developed by the Presidents of Algeria, Nigeria and South Africa and presented in January 2001 at the World Economic Forum in Davos.

Algerian diplomacy is increasingly assertive in institutionalizing NEPAD, seeking to launch its mechanisms as soon as possible [Speech by A. Bouteflika... Banjul (Gambia)]. By using the levers of participation in the governing structures of NEPAD, the Algerians, in fact, act as one of the coordinators of the development of a pan-African strategy (including in the field of defense and security). They strongly advocate debt relief for the continent's countries, providing them with more generous financial assistance, encouraging direct investment in Africa, and encouraging agricultural exports from the continent. By hosting the summit of the programme implementation committee, ANDR actively participated in the negotiation of a pan-African platform for the Group of Eight summit in Gleneagles.

Claiming the status of one of the leaders of Africa and one of the leading voices of concerns of the continent's countries, Algerian diplomacy is trying to speed up the process of establishing the AU, trying to "set the tone" at its summits [Bouteflika's speech at the 7th meeting..., 2006].

A special place in the activities of Algerian diplomacy during the period under review, of course, was occupied by relations with the former metropolis-France, which were subject to recessions and ups. This situation was primarily due to the fact that Algerian diplomacy consistently pursued a political course aimed at restructuring Algerian-French relations on the basis of equality, independence and mutual benefit in order to strengthen the country's political and economic independence. Despite the virtually opposite goals pursued by the parties, there were and still are a number of political, economic and other factors that determine the mutual interest of Algeria and France in maintaining and expanding bilateral cooperation.

The actions of Algerian diplomacy to strengthen cooperation with France were determined by the continued dependence of the former colony on the mother country in the economic and commercial fields. This was due to the attachment of the Algerian economy to the French markets, the need to obtain loans to finance the developing industry, the presence of a large number of Algerian immigrants in France, which not only helped to reduce the number of unemployed in Algeria, but also was one of the additional sources of obtaining convertible currency, etc.

France's policy in Algeria should be viewed in the general context of its policy towards developing countries, which took into account the constant strengthening of their influence on the international situation and the balance of power in the world. At the same time, France, pursuing a "global policy", sought to preserve as much as possible and, if possible, expand its "presence" in the most important parts of the world. And such, in her opinion, in the "third world" are Algeria and North Africa in general, the Middle East and a number of others. The economic aspect is also very important. France is interested in Algeria as a market for its goods, especially industrial equipment, which is constantly growing in Algeria's demand. Algeria, for its part, has great potential for supplying France with oil, gas and a number of other raw materials. The French ruling circles are also forced to take into account the fact that Algerian immigrants make up 20% of the total number of foreign workers in France.

These moments played a crucial role in the fact that, although France's position was seriously undermined in Algeria, it nevertheless retained quite large reserves.

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opportunities in this country to influence its politics and economy. Suffice it to recall that France continues to occupy the first place in Algeria's exports and the second in its imports [Le Monde, 30.10.2004]. That is why, considering the prospects for the development of relations between the two countries, there is reason to assume that the course of Algerian diplomacy aimed at strengthening bilateral al-Giraud-French cooperation on the basis of equality, independence and mutual benefit, although possibly with certain difficulties, will continue in the future.

Due to the objectively existing conditions, Algeria's foreign economic relations have always been focused to a large extent on the industrialized countries of Europe. The normalization of relations with Paris, which began in 1999, allowed the Algerians to intensify bilateral relations with many Western European countries, which to some extent continue to focus on France in their approach to Algeria. Relations with Italy, Germany, Spain, Great Britain, Belgium, etc. are developing dynamically. Western Europeans, following the example of the French, have begun to overcome their "blindness" towards Algeria and are ready to seriously join the struggle to maintain their positions, from which they have recently been successfully ousted by the Americans.

The question of Algeria's relations with European countries arose even before its independence. Even though it remained a French colony, Algeria, due to its colossal natural resources, attracted great interest from European states. That is why Article 227 of the Treaty of Rome establishing the European Economic Community (EEC, since 1992 - the European Union) provided for the extension of the main provisions of the treaty to Algeria [La documentation...]. After Algeria gained independence in 1962, its relations with the EEC were based on the "temporary status quo".

Speaking for the development of relations with the EEU countries, Algerian diplomacy clearly saw the negative aspects that this association could have for its country. However, Algeria's ever-increasing demand for modern equipment and technologies and the need to expand exports explained its interest in the agreement with the EEC.

In recent years, Algerian diplomacy has managed to achieve a major turnaround in contacts with the EU. During these contacts, the basis for signing the final association Agreement between Algeria and the EU was discussed. Recognizing the Algerian specifics, the EU has consistently sought to adapt the terms of cooperation with Algeria to the specifics of its own legislation, business practices and political values. The adoption of European-style legislation by the partner State makes it much easier for EU firms to do business with their Algerian counterparts. This trend improves the conditions for providing Western Europe with raw materials, as well as access to markets for finished products.

Algeria's Association Agreement with the EU was signed in April 2002. The first trade-related part of the Agreement entered its implementation phase on September 1, 2005. The process of reducing trade duties is designed to last until 2017. The EU leadership welcomes the "progress made in Algeria in implementing political, economic and social reforms", which indicates, in its opinion, "the desire of the Algerian leadership to bring these reforms to a successful conclusion, in particular in the creation of a state governed by the rule of law and a state with a market economy" [http://www.mae.dz, 16.06.2005].

In the course of contacts on the implementation of the Association Agreement, a wide range of issues of both bilateral cooperation and coordination of foreign policy efforts of the Association process participants are usually considered. Guide

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The EU aims to raise the level of cooperation with Algeria to the "proper level", which it considers "as an important component of security, stability and cooperation in the Mediterranean region". It is on this basis that the parties also exchange views on topical international issues, in particular the situation in the Maghreb, the Western Sahara problem, in which the EU "supports the efforts of the UN", the situation in the Middle East, etc.

In recent years, Algerian diplomacy has managed to achieve a major turnaround in contacts with the EU. Speaking at a seminar of diplomatic and consular staff in June 2005, Foreign Minister M. Bedjaoui named the implementation of the Association Agreement with the European Union and the issue of WTO accession among the priorities of Algerian diplomacy [http://www.mae.dz, 25.06.2005]. In the future, the country's diplomacy, according to the minister, should act more actively to strengthen its economic potential. At the same time, it should take advantage of the opportunities provided by international cooperation and partnership, as well as provide support in promoting the products of national industry to foreign markets.

Algeria is an active supporter of the Euro-Mediterranean Process (ESP). Algerian diplomacy took part in almost all Mediterranean forums and was one of the initiators of the development of the Euro-Mediterranean Charter for Peace and Stability. The Algerians show an increased interest in intensifying cooperation in the western Mediterranean under the "5 + 5" formula (including in terms of establishing military ties), although the potential of this mechanism, in their opinion, is unduly poorly used. Attention to the ESP is largely dictated by the desire of the ANDR to "tighten its seat belt" to the EU.

In recent years, as part of its European policy, Algerian diplomacy has begun to pay attention to establishing contacts with NATO. For many years, Algeria was considered by members of the North Atlantic Alliance as an ally of the USSR and the Warsaw Pact countries. After the dissolution of this organization and the disappearance of the USSR, ANDR seeks to cooperate with NATO. Algerian diplomats say their country does not want to become a member of NATO. They are skeptical about the numerical increase in its ranks and the expansion of the "zone of responsibility", although they still recognize the need to establish a metered-scale (especially in the light of events around Iraq and Yugoslavia) direct dialogue with NATO "in the interests of adapting to the new realities of the alignment of forces in the Mediterranean".

Algerian diplomacy paid serious attention to relations with the United States. It had to fight for the consolidation of the country's political and economic independence in a difficult situation, when Algeria was confronted not only by the former metropolis, but also by the united front of Western states, and above all by the United States.

The main object of US interests in Algeria was oil and gas production. American capital sought out the most profitable and reliable forms of exploitation of oil and gas fields. The Algerian government, interested in increasing oil revenues and freeing itself from the unprofitable and burdensome guardianship of the former metropolis, used the expansionist aspirations of the United States to gradually reduce France's share in oil production.

The ideological divides that existed before the collapse of the USSR in the orientation of the two countries ' leadership held back the direct political expansion of the United States. However, roundabout ways were sought. The penetration of American capital into Algeria was greatly facilitated by the activities of certain elements in the government and state apparatus of the ANDR, who sought to oppose Algeria's rapprochement with the USSR with cooperation with the United States and other Western countries.

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Algerian-American relations were strongly influenced by political factors. Algerian diplomacy blamed the United States for the ongoing hotbeds of tension in the Middle East and other parts of the world, and criticized its position on energy issues. The official line of action of Algerian diplomacy towards the United States remained unchanged for many years, which was clearly manifested in the speeches of the country's leaders, in the materials of the press, radio, and television, which, as a rule, were clearly anti-American in nature. Despite this, economic cooperation between them continued to develop.

In the second half of the 1980s, Algeria entered a period of serious challenges. And the annulment of the results of the second round of parliamentary elections in January 1992 posed a dilemma for the United States. In 1992-1995, the United States made it clear that it maintained a position of relative distance from the Algerian Government, and continued to maintain occasional confidential contacts with leaders of the Islamic Salvation Front (IFF) in Europe or the United States. However, at the end of 1995, American policy towards Algeria began to change. For many years, high-level meetings were quite rare, but after the election of L. Zeroual as president of the country, the US State Department decided to resume contacts with the Algerian leadership.

The most important changes in bilateral relations occurred after the election of Bouteflika as President of Algeria. Initially, Washington's more than restrained reaction to the election of A. Bouteflika gradually gave way to a demonstration of support for the course of the new Algerian president and readiness to develop partnership relations with Algeria. The US strategy is aimed at gradually penetrating Algeria, bringing it to the zone of its influence by closely linking it in political, economic, and in recent years in military terms.

In general, Algerian diplomacy continues to take an active and independent position on major international issues, but this does not affect the Algerian-American relations, which are expanding and deepening. Algerian diplomacy sought to extract maximum benefits for its country from cooperation with the United States, especially in the field of economics and finance, while at the same time trying to prevent the strengthening of the US political position in the country and in the region. The trend towards internationalization of the world economy and international relations, which has especially intensified in the last decade, has also contributed to the rapprochement of the two countries and supported Algeria's interest in developing relations with the United States.

Relations with the Soviet Union, and then with Russia, have always been a priority for Algerian diplomacy. From the first days after gaining independence, Algeria began to establish and strengthen ties with the Soviet Union and other socialist countries. This was facilitated by the fact that the Algerian people and their leaders, during the struggle for independence, received moral support and material assistance from the Soviet Union and other States of the socialist community. After the signing of the Evian Accords and the declaration of independence in 1962, Algeria needed help to eliminate the consequences of colonialism and the long war, to restore the economy and develop it on an independent basis. The Soviet Union and other socialist countries were among the first to assist Algeria in this effort.

In the 1960s and 1980s, Soviet-Algerian cooperation developed successfully in politics, economics, science, culture, military technology, and other areas. Expanding and strengthening bilateral ties was in the best interests of both countries. Algeria proceeded primarily from its pragmatic interests. As mentioned above, he saw the USSR as a force that could serve him politically, economically and militarily.-

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It is a strong pillar in the struggle to strengthen the country's independence, against the dominance of the French in all areas of life and activity. Algeria's policy of strengthening its political and economic independence, the intentions of the Algerian leadership to direct the country along the so-called path of non-capitalist development, the implementation of socio-economic reforms, and the course of non - alignment in foreign policy-all this also met the geopolitical interests of the Soviet Union.

At the same time, the USSR's bid to gradually "pull up" the Algerian nationalists to socialist values was not vital for many objective and subjective reasons. The" socialist stage " of Algeria's post-colonial development did not take place. Postcolonial Romanticism gradually declined as well. Purged of it, Arab nationalism has essentially abandoned revolutionary social transformation. In addition, the idea of pan-Arab unity was finally defeated by"country nationalism". All this, plus the apparent inability of the Algerian leadership to ensure political stability and economic dynamics, contributed to the activation of extremist Islamic forces in Algeria.

The processes that took place in Algeria and the USSR after 1989 led to the degradation of bilateral relations. However, despite the extremely difficult conditions, Russian-Algerian cooperation continued. While giving priority to relations with the West, Algeria was at the same time interested in restoring ties with its "traditional" partners, and first of all with Russia, which is due to pragmatic considerations, with the expectation that our country will play the role of a counterweight in relations with the West. Russia, in turn, also has its own political and economic interests in Algeria, so after a rather long break caused by the complication of the internal political situation in Algeria, Russian-Algerian ties began to intensify.

An objective result of the warming of relations between Russia and Algeria, which began at the end of the last century and at the beginning of this century, was the official visit of President Bouteflika of Algeria to Russia in early April 2001. An important outcome of the visit was the joint Declaration on strategic partnership between Russia and Algeria. ANDR was the first Arab country with which new Russia signed a strategic partnership agreement. The signing of the Declaration was a confirmation of the parties ' readiness to bring relations between them to a higher level, meeting the needs of the current stage of development of both countries and the task of strengthening the interaction of members of the international community in finding optimal responses to modern challenges. The signed document gave a serious impetus to the strengthening and development of cooperation between the two countries in the political, trade, economic, military, scientific and cultural fields.

A significant event in bilateral Russian-Algerian cooperation was the visit of the Russian President to this country in March 2006. During the talks, the focus was on priority areas of cooperation with Algeria. An important component of the Russian-Algerian dialogue was the exchange of views on topical international issues, which confirmed the similarity or coincidence of the parties ' positions on many of them. Special importance was attached to the consideration, quite naturally, of practical issues of bilateral cooperation, as well as long-term plans for Russian-Algerian contacts at various levels, including the highest. The high level and status of our relations in the political, economic, energy and military-technical spheres was once again confirmed. They stressed the importance of strengthening ties in the field of culture, youth and sports, as well as in such traditional areas of bilateral cooperation as education. During the visit, agreements were signed on trade, economic and financial relations and on the settlement of debts of the Republic of Moldova.-

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on the promotion and mutual protection of investments, as well as the Convention for the Avoidance of Double Taxation.

The results of Vladimir Putin's visit allowed the Algerian-Russian cooperation to gain not only a real perspective in the strategic plan, but also a tangible content. The parties were able to find an optimal, mutually acceptable and high-quality solution to the problem of the Algerian debt, laying the foundation for military-technical cooperation (MTC)between the two countries in the near and medium term. Particularly important is a package solution to the problems of military-technical cooperation development and the possibility of cooperation between Russia and Algeria in the energy sector. The military contracts were linked to the prospects for joint export of liquefied natural gas to Europe on a net basis. Russian companies got a good chance to enter the markets of southern Europe, while Algerian companies got a good chance to enter the markets of northern Europe. With the signing of the above-mentioned agreements and the de facto final closure of the debt problem, issues of extremely important and promising strategic partnership between our countries in the energy sector have come to the fore.

The history of Algerian-Russian relations over more than half a century shows the mutual interest of Algeria and Russia in developing and strengthening comprehensive ties between our countries. For Russia, Algeria is primarily a traditional political and economic partner that has gained considerable international prestige as one of the leaders of developing countries. Expanding and strengthening Russia's ties with Algeria will help restore its influence in the Arab countries, especially in those that have a rich experience of cooperation with our country [Kontseptsiya..., 2000].

* * *

Algeria plays a significant role in the activities of a number of reputable international and regional organizations, and takes an active position on topical international and regional issues. The ambition of Algerian diplomacy was also promoted by the geopolitical position of Algeria, which belongs simultaneously to the Mediterranean, Arab and African worlds, and in economic terms also to the circle of oil-producing countries. Algerian diplomacy has been and continues to be active in the activities of international and regional organizations, and has a reputation as a serious and reliable partner in them. Algeria has been a Member of the United Nations since 1962. Since 1963, ANDR has been a member of the Organization of African Unity. As a member of the Arab world, Algeria - a member of the League of Arab States - participates in the Non-Aligned Movement, the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Group of 77 + China, plays an important role in the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), etc.

At the turn of the century, the position of Algerian diplomacy is characterized by balanced approaches to most pressing international and regional issues. While pursuing a foreign policy course based on the principles of positive neutrality, and remaining a member of the Non-Aligned Movement, ANDR stands for the restructuring of international relations, for the creation of a New world economic order. ANDR consistently advocates the creation of a non-confrontational world order based on the unconditional observance of universally recognized norms and principles of international law. Algeria is committed to finding a broad consensus on the UN modernization scheme. Considering peacekeeping as one of the most important functions of the UN at the current stage, the Algerians are in favor of strengthening the peacekeeping potential of this organization.

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In terms of disarmament, Algeria supports declaring Africa and the Middle East nuclear-free zones, turning the Mediterranean and Red Seas, the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean into zones of peace. Algeria has regularly mentioned terrorism and wars with the "enemy without borders" among the "new"threats to international security since the 1990s. Bouteflika calls blind, borderless terrorism "the scourge of the century" [El Moudjahid, 9.11.2005]. Algeria supported the Russian draft of the International Convention for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism (ICNAT), which was adopted by consensus at the UN General Assembly on April 13, 2005. Declaring its loyalty to its international obligations, Algeria does not remain indifferent "to the manifestations of violence that shake the world today." "In the face of manifestations of extremism and xenophobia that generate feelings of evil and hatred, Algeria stands for a dialogue of civilizations, calling for better mutual knowledge and respect, for tolerance towards each other,"Bouteflika has repeatedly stated.

In international forums devoted to the fight against terrorism, Algerian diplomacy advocates not only the use of force, but also the adoption of measures aimed at eliminating the causes of terrorism, especially social backwardness and poverty. With this in mind, the initiatives of Algerian diplomacy are focused on eliminating the inequality between the South and the North, and on encouraging the development of partnerships that take into account the interests of developing countries. All this, according to the Algerians, should help eliminate the sources of violence. Calling for a fight against terrorism, Bouteflika firmly states that he is opposed to attempts by some States to classify it as "the legitimate resistance of individual peoples to foreign domination", and refers to the "Palestinian resistance movement to the Israeli occupation" as an example [El Moudjahid, 20.09.2005].

Algeria's foreign policy activities during the period under review contributed to further strengthening the political and economic independence of the state, were aimed at raising and strengthening its international authority, and keeping the country among the leaders of developing countries and the Non-Aligned Movement.

Since Bouteflika was elected President of the Republic in 1999, Algerian diplomacy has made significant progress. It has managed to restore and strengthen Algeria's international standing. The priority areas of diplomacy have expanded and become integrated, multipolar and multi-level. At the turn of the century, Algeria brought its foreign policy relations in line with the dynamics of the development of economic interests and the requirements for an independent pragmatic foreign policy. In an effort to safeguard the country's interests, Algerian diplomacy has mastered the art of maneuvering between different centers of power and influence.

There is every reason to believe that, based on pragmatically understood interests, the country's leadership will continue in the foreseeable future to carry out diplomatic activities aimed at finding mutual understanding and cooperation between countries and peoples, regardless of their geographical location, political, economic, social and cultural orientation. Activities based on the principles of strengthening global peace and international security.

list of literature

Bouteflika's speech at the 15th Session of the NEPAD Heads of State and Government Committee in Banjul, Gambia [http://www.mae.dz 03.07.2006; http://www.mae.dz 17.07.2006, etc.].

Bouteflika's speech at the 7th Meeting of Heads of State and Government of the African Union member States [http://www.mae.dz 03.07.2006].

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Decree of the President of Algeria No. 02-403 of November 26, 2002 "Regulations on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs" (http://www.mae.dz)

Concept of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation 2000 Fundamental documents on Russia's domestic and foreign policy, www.mid.ru

Sapronova M. Politika i konstitutsionnyi protsess v Algire (1989 - 1999) [Politics and Constitutional Process in Algeria (1989-1999)].
http://www.mae.dz 25.06.05.

http://www.mae.dz 25.12.2005.

http://www.mae.dz

Constitutive Act of the African Union. http://www.oau-oua.org.lome2000.

La documentation francaise. Articles et documents. P., 1962 - 1968.

PERIODICALS

El Moudjahid.

Le Monde.

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