No representative of the Egyptian political elite of the late 19th and early 20th centuries had such a strong and profound influence on the development of public thought and the liberation movement of his country as Mustafa Kamil. An outstanding publicist and fiery speaker, the "tribune of Egypt" went down in history as the founder of the ideology of Egyptian nationalism and the leader of the struggle for independence. The famous Egyptian historian S. Vahida wrote about Kamil that "...he was the first Egyptian in whom the sense of national dignity reached its full embodiment " [Vahida, B. G., p. 243]. For 15 years until his early death, he was the master of the thoughts of the younger generation of Egyptians. 71 years after Kamil's death, in 1979, his famous poems "My Country, My Country", set to music by the greatest composer Sayyid Darwish, and later orchestrated by Mohammed Abd al-Wahhab, became the national anthem of the Arab Republic of Egypt by republican decree.

Mustafa Kamil was born in Cairo on August 14, 1874 in the family of a talented engineer. Even in elementary school, from which he graduated in 1887, Mustafa stood out for his determination, seriousness and diligence. These qualities were developed during his studies at the Khedive School. The 15-year-old Mustafa made a strong impression on the major figure of the national science and culture, the Minister of Education Ali Pasha Mubarak. After meeting the Minister in the lobby of the Ministry of Education, Mustafa complained about the level of exam questions. The Minister was impressed by the determination and maturity of the student's judgment, agreed with his arguments and made corrections. The venerable dignitary introduced the young man to the major scientists and cultural figures who visited his salon, drawing him to participate in the issues discussed there, the most acute and sensitive of which were the British occupation of Egypt and the search for opportunities to counter the colonialists. There is an interesting testimony of Sheikh Ali Yusuf, the editor of the most popular and influential newspaper at that time, Al-Muayyad ("God's Help"), who, in early 1890, was killed in a car accident. For the first time, I noticed a young man arguing with the owner in Mubarak's house: "From that moment on, I met (Mustafa Kamil) as a mature husband, not a school student" [Ar-Rafii, 1950, p.24].

At the age of 15, Mustafa organized a number of literary-patriotic and national-political societies among his schoolmates ("Al-I'tidal", "Al-Huda", "Al-Alam al-Mysri"). At meetings, he invariably acted as the main khatib (preacher, orator). A year later, at the age of 16, he created a political society, the goal of which was expressed in the name: "Resurrection of the Motherland" ("Ikhyaa al-watan"). Camille's speeches, full of energy and expression, enjoyed increasing success among the educated and active part of the youth.

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Kamil proved himself no less vividly in the field of journalism. In the summer of 1892, in Alexandria, through the mediation of his bosom friend, the aspiring poet and journalist Khalil Mutran1, he met Bshara Takla, one of the owners and founders of the newspaper "Al-Ahram" ("Pyramids"), who invited Mustafa to collaborate on the newspaper. Kamil's first publications were published in 1892-1893 in the newspapers Al-Ahram and Al-Muayyad, as well as in his own monthly magazine Al-Madrasa (School). The magazine's motto is: "Your love is for your school, your people and the Fatherland." Although only a few issues of the magazine were published, its publications attracted the attention of many Egyptians to the identity of the editor and publisher.

After graduating from high school, in the fall of 1891, Mustafa entered the Khedive School of Law, and in October of the following year continued his legal education at the French School of Law in Cairo, which was also connected with the desire to improve his knowledge of the French language. In June 1893, he left for Europe for the first time, visited Brussels and Paris, and in November 1894, having successfully passed the exams, at the age of 20, he received a licentiate degree in law from the University of Toulouse.

An important event in Kamil's life was meeting Abdallah Nadim. A. Nadim's newspaper "At-Taif" during the army uprising in 1881-1882 under the leadership of Urabi Pasha 2 was the organ of the Urabists. After the suppression of the uprising and the British occupation of the country, Nadim went deep underground, but nine years later, in 1891, he was arrested and convicted by the colonial authorities, but soon amnestied and expelled from the country. After Khedive3 Abbas II Hilmi A. Nadim came to power in January 1892, he was allowed to return to his homeland and publish the magazine "Al-Ustaz" ("Mentor"). But soon the magazine was closed for publishing sharp and satirical articles against the British occupation, and the editor was again expelled from the country in June 1893. None of his contemporaries had such a strong influence on M. Kamil as Nadim. His deep reflections on the inner motives and springs of the movement of officers, on the personal qualities of the leaders of the uprising and on the mistakes they made that led to defeat, were etched in Camil's memory for the rest of his life.

At the first stage of M. Kamil's political activity, his most fruitful ties were with Khedive Abbas II, who, unlike his father Khedive Tawfiq, who reconciled himself to the role assigned to him by the British as an obedient executor of their will, vowed to "rid the country of the British". Extremely ambitious, he could not accept that he had to govern with the advice and approval of the British. The English Consul General, Lord Cromer, being the sole ruler of the country, wanted to suppress the will of the young and inexperienced Khedive, treated him with exaggerated arrogance and sometimes sought to humiliate him. In an attempt to counter the powerful consul, the 18-year-old Khedive sought out various forces that he could rely on to undermine Britain's position and consolidate his own power. Its closest allies were the Ottoman Empire (of which Egypt continued to be legally an autonomous part) and France. Inside the country, he could count on the support of anti-British forces, among which were pan-Islamists (followers of Jamal al-Din Al-Afghani)4 and different in their social status

1 Khalil Mutran (1872-1949) was a prominent Arab writer, poet and journalist. He was born in Baalbek (Lebanon) to a Christian family. He spent most of his life in Egypt and rightfully received the honorary nickname "poet of both countries".

2 Urabi Pasha Ahmed (1839-1911) - leader of the uprising in the Egyptian army in 1881-1882, suppressed by the British in September 1882.

Khedive 3 (Persian) "overlord" was the official title of the rulers of Egypt from 1867 to 1914, which elevated him above the ordinary pashas - governors in the eyalets (pashalyks) of the empire.

4 Al-Afghani Jamal ad-Din (1839-1897)-the greatest Muslim thinker and religious and political figure, whose ideas formed the basis of the doctrine of pan-Islamism. In 1871-1879. He lived in Egypt, where he became known for his calls for reform and the awakening of Islam, for the unification of Muslims-

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supporters of the Turkish sultan, who viewed Egypt's struggle for liberation from British rule as a religious mission.

At this time, a new small but energetic and dynamic force emerged on the political scene: young Westernized nationalists, students and graduates of secular Egyptian and European educational institutions. They were dissatisfied with the British system of "veiled protectorate", which deprived them of the prospect of making a career in the state-administrative system. These people looked at the new Khedive with hope. And Abbas did not disappoint their hopes, showing interest in public educational institutions. During his visit to the Khedive School of Law in November 1892, a student named M. Kamil read a eulogistic ode (qasida) written in his honor at a solemn meeting, and during the government crisis related to Abbas ' conflict with the Consul General, Kamil led a column of demonstrators supporting the Khedive. [5] Patriotic newspapers, and above all the most influential among them-Al-Muayyad and Al-Ustaz-enthusiastically welcomed the bold steps taken by the young ruler.

Abbas and Mustafa were not timid young men, they easily understood each other, and very soon contacts were established between them. By this time, they were already connected to a deeply secretive secret society, transformed from the salon of Latif Pasha Salim-a veteran of the anti - foreign movement in the army, a major figure in the national movement. Latif Pasha's house was visited by well-known writers and journalists, people of liberal professions and nationalist politicians, including some members of both houses of parliament. After the ministerial crisis in the salon, it was decided to actively involve representatives of patriotic youth in Cairo and Alexandria.

A new wave of nationalist movement soon found its leader in Mustafa Kamil, who was increasingly reckoned with by veterans, including Latif Pasha. After returning from France in December 1894, Camille succeeded Salim as leader of the secret Society for the Rebirth of the Nation. Love for the fatherland, Kamil believed, a sense of national pride with its powerful breath can sweep away all obstacles on the way to the revival, prosperity and greatness of the nation. He has inspired poems that celebrate the motherland, which every Egyptian knows: "My country, my country! To you belongs my love and my heart, my life and my being! To You belong my blood and my essence, my mind and my tongue, my mind and my soul. You, you alone are my life, and there is no life without you, O Egypt!" His words" if I hadn't been born an Egyptian, I would only want to be an Egyptian! " [An-Naggar, 1987, p.23] became a proverb.

At that time, with few exceptions, most Egyptian public and political figures firmly believed that Egypt's interests required the support of the Ottoman Sultan, who was the country's bulwark and the best guarantee against the British presence in Egypt. Ties to Istanbul had deep historical roots, and many members of Egypt's ruling class had Turkish blood in their veins. In addition, religious leaders, Ulama6 and others saw the presence of a foreign Power and its influence on the new generation as a threat to their position in society.

European states against the domination of European powers. In 1879, he was arrested and exiled from Egypt for "sedition". Among his many students were prominent figures of the national liberation movement.

5 On January 15, 1893, Abbas, without consulting the British authorities, replaced the pro-British head of the cabinet with a prime minister with anti-English views, but under the threat of losing power, he was forced to accept an ultimatum, according to which any change in the government could only be made with the consent of the occupation authorities.

Ulama 6 (plural from Arabic) alim) ("knowledgeable, learned") is the collective name of authoritative experts in Islam.

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After a new crisis between the palace and the British authorities (January 1894), 7 the Khedive fronde period ended. After ending the open struggle with the British, Abbas became more active in secretly providing financial assistance to opposition groups, and more insistently sought ways to the heart of the owner of Yldiz keshk (the sultan's residence in Istanbul). And Kamil, who had already made useful connections in Istanbul, became one of the Khedive's emissaries in the imperial capital. So, in August 1894, Camille led a banquet for Turks and Egyptians in Paris in honor of the 18th anniversary of the accession of Abdul Hamid II to the Sultan's throne. In favor of Egypt's autonomy within the Ottoman Empire, Abbas warmly endorsed the pan-Islamic and pro-Ottoman positions that Kamil also professed.

In their struggle against English domination, they hoped to achieve national liberation by exploiting the traditional Anglo-French rivalry for dominance in the Nile Valley. Camille believed that French pressure would eventually force England to withdraw from Egypt. The nationalists had not yet realized that the colonialist solidarity of France and England was as strong as the colonial rivalry between them. In the end, it was decided to send Kamil as an emissary to Europe in order to gain support for the idea of Egyptian independence. After receiving unofficial instructions from the Khedive, Mustafa went to France, carrying a petition protesting against the illegal actions of the British in Egypt and asking France to help free Egypt from British tyranny.

He managed to get in touch with a number of prominent French politicians and journalists who helped secure an official reception in the French Parliament. On June 4, 1895, Mustafa was received by the Speaker of the Chamber of Deputies, to whom he presented a petition. At the same time, a symbolic picture was presented, which depicted Egypt bound in chains by the treacherous Albion and Mustafa Kamil, addressing the ancient goddess who represented France, conjuring her to destroy the British shackles. Copies of the petition and the painting were sent to the editorial offices of major newspapers, distributed to deputies, journalists and politicians in France. Thousands of copies printed in Paris were sent to Egypt.

An important event in Camille's life was his acquaintance with the influential French journalist, founder and editor of the popular political magazine Nouvelle Revue Juliette Adam, whose correspondence continued until the end of his life. On September 12, 1895, Mustafa sent her his first letter from Toulouse, asking her to understand and help him. The letter and a small pamphlet about the "Egyptian danger" attached to it interested the journalist, and a few days later she published an article on this subject. Soon a personal acquaintance with Zh. Adam, after which Camille was introduced to the complex world of French politics. In October, November, and December 1895, Mustafa published several articles in the Nouvelle Revue and several other newspapers detailing his political program. Thanks to the assistance of Adam, who became his reliable adviser, he met many influential figures of the French political establishment: writers Pierre Loti and Leon Daudet, journalists Ernest Judet, Edouard Drumont, Henri Rochefort, Captain Marchand (who in a few years will meet at Fashoda with General Kitchener), deputy Etienne Delencle and others. [Krachkovsky, 1956, p. 176; Rashad, 1958, p. 24; Goldschmidt, 1968, p. 314]. Naturally, these French figures, representing various political trends, supported Mustafa not so much out of sympathy for Egypt, but out of antipathy to England.

7 In January 1894, the Khedive took a number of steps that were interpreted by the British as a desire to regain control of the army, and therefore they demanded to abandon interference in the affairs of the armed forces.

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In Paris, both Camille's great journalistic talent and his oratorical talent were equally revealed. At the end of 1895, M. Kamil spoke at the Geographical Society, which was attended by famous politicians, writers and scientists. He became recognizable and even popular in some French political circles, which raised his prestige in Cairo and Istanbul, and most importantly, gave rise to hopes that his efforts would bring results.

Mustafa took every opportunity to remind the British public of the many promises made by the British in the early years of the occupation to evacuate their army from Egypt, which they preferred not to recall in the second half of the 1890s. On January 2, 1896, he sent a letter to the 87-year-old Gladstone, a prominent British politician who had repeatedly headed the British government, in which he recalled his statements about the need to withdraw British troops from Egypt and asked the latter's opinion on the timing of the evacuation. In a reply letter dated January 14, 1896, Gladstone wrote:: "In my opinion, this time has already come a few years ago." Kamil's letter and the response of the liberal leader attracted the attention of some European political circles (Rashad, 1958, p. 85).

Mass meetings, which were invariably held in any area visited by M. Kamil, testified to his increased popularity in Egypt. An example of this is Kamil's arrival in Alexandria on February 28, 1896. The house where he stayed became a place of pilgrimage for both the aristocracy and the lower classes of the city. On March 3, he made a speech that was of a programmatic nature and later formed the basis for the activities of the party he created. The 800-seat theater building couldn't accommodate everyone, and large crowds of people listened to it from the entrance. Kamil called for calm, equanimity and moderation, emphasizing that he does not seek to condemn the Khedive or British governments, that the Egyptians do not hate the British, but any invaders ("aliens" / Arab. duhala), by his definition), wherever they come from. He appealed to the English people, who, he said, had been misled by some malicious people, and urged the British to force their government to speed up the evacuation of troops from Egypt. After the end of his speech, the speaker put to the vote his main thesis-the need to evacuate the British, which was supported unanimously. Mustafa's departure on the square of the Alexandriysky Railway Station resulted in a large patriotic demonstration, which was attended by several hundred people [Iskanderov, 1960, pp. 348-351].

On April 13, Kamil performed again in Alexandria. This time, its audience consisted mainly of representatives of European communities living there, who came to learn about the attitude of the Egyptian nationalist leader towards foreign residents in Egypt.8 The speech, delivered in French, lasted about an hour and a half. Kamil, as always, called for the withdrawal of British troops from Egypt. At the same time, he categorically denied any hostility to foreigners, with the exception of "newcomers" [Ar-Rafii, 1950, p.67, 71]. However, the latter term caused some Christian journalists, especially the editor of the pro-English newspaper Al-Muqattam, to question Mustafa's sincerity. And this is quite understandable: the sad events of June 11, 1882, were still fresh in the memory of the inhabitants of Alexandria. 9

8 Alexandria at that time was a typical cosmopolitan Mediterranean port. Foreigners, who made up a quarter of the city's population, played a key role in the economic life of not only Alexandria, but the entire country.

On June 9-11, 1882, at the height of the Urabi Pasha uprising, in a heated atmosphere in Alexandria, as a result of a street incident that was definitely provocative, Muslims clashed with Greeks and Maltese (English subjects). Crowds of Egyptians with sticks and clubs in their hands began to smash the houses of Europeans, who shot back from the windows of their homes. A few hours later, on Urabi's orders, the army restored order. As a result of the clashes, 50 Europeans and 250 Egyptians were killed.

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In the autumn of 1896, Camille visited France again, where he gave an interview to the newspaper Eclair on the occasion of the 14th anniversary of the British occupation of Egypt. Then, in October of the same year and in the winter of 1897, he twice visited Berlin and Vienna, where he published articles on the Egyptian problem in the central press. In the Berliner Tageblatt, the organ of the German Foreign Ministry, he appealed to the German nation to assist in the removal of British troops from Egypt. Kamil's way back was via Istanbul. He was received by the Sultan, who was very kind to him and expressed his admiration for his work. Mustafa was offered high ranks and awards, but he refused them under a plausible pretext, so as not to allow his enemies (of whom there were many) to accuse him of pan-Turkism. His friends, on the contrary, urged him not to give up the ranks and awards of the sultan, since titles in Egypt, and in general in the East, increase public prestige.

In the spring of 1897, Kamil again conducts an active propaganda campaign-first in Germany, then in Vienna and Budapest, meets with parliamentarians and journalists, organizes large banquets in the largest hotels of the capital, where he makes speeches, publishes articles in influential publications. In April 1897, he returned to Paris, where, in connection with the Greco-Turkish war, some press organs, trying to discredit Camille and his supporters, accused them of inciting anti-European sentiment and inciting inter-communal clashes in Egypt. In response, Kamil sent an open letter to the influential newspaper Liberte, in which he denied such insinuations. Mustafa's stay in Paris was interrupted. On May 2, 1897, he was summoned by telegram to Egypt to warn of the bloody clashes that were about to break out in Alexandria between Greeks and Muslims.

In the early summer of 1897, while preparing for a new propaganda mission in Europe, Camille could not ignore the fierce anti-Egyptian campaign that continued in the European press. In a speech delivered in Alexandria on June 8, 1897, to an audience of two thousand people, he said that the accusation of religious fanaticism made by Egypt's enemies because of the support of the Ottoman army in the Greco-Turkish war was absolutely groundless. By appealing to the European, primarily Greek, population of Alexandria, Kamil tried to convince the Egyptian Greeks, among whom he had many friends, that supporting the High Porte was a form of protest against British rule and that good relations with Turkey should be maintained as long as Britain occupied Egypt. Defending pan-Islamic ideas, Kamil was also the first Egyptian pan-Islamist to put forward the idea of the unity of all Egyptians, regardless of their religious affiliation. According to him, Muslims and Copts are a single nation, bound by patriotism, and their separation is absolutely unacceptable. This idea was supported by all progressive forces in the subsequent stages of the liberation movement.

An appeal to the European public is considered quixotic from the point of view of today. But from the point of view of a liberal nationalist, such as Mustafa Kamil, it was then quite logical. He hoped that in Europe, where the Egyptian issue has not lost its relevance, you can find influential supporters. Further, he sought to achieve his goals by peaceful means without violence or bloodshed. Therefore, he chose a simpler and more effective method of struggle, from his point of view, to win the sympathy and support of European public opinion.

The hopes of Camille and his supporters were also connected with the French Marchand expedition, sent from the Atlantic coast of Africa to the upper Nile. In response, the sirdar (commander) of the Anglo-Egyptian army, who had completed the re-occupation of Sudan, General Kitchener, was ordered to prevent the French from entering East Africa [Tignor, 1966, p. 268-269].

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Marchand and Kitchener's detachments met in September 1898 near the village of Fashoda in the Sudan. But it did not come to war, the French retreated. The capitulation of Marchand to Kitchener, followed by the Anglo-French agreement of 1899, 10 was the downfall of Camille's hopes. Deep disappointment was reinforced by the fact that many nationalists, depressed by this turn of events, began to leave the ranks of the fighters. But Mustafa's mental crisis did not last long. He soon redoubled his efforts, convinced that the struggle for independence could generate energy of extraordinary power.

Thanks to the courage and inspired eloquence of Kamil and the energy of his associates, it was soon possible to significantly expand the support of the national movement from representatives of the liberal professions and students of higher educational institutions, i.e., the most educated and formed social force. Anti-English campaigns in Europe have not stopped, and his visits to Istanbul have become more frequent. At the same time, Mustafa and his friends began to shift the center of gravity of their efforts to Egypt. After the Fashoda, in his speeches in Egypt, he increasingly began to say that if Egyptians really want freedom, they must fight for it themselves. Back in 1897, Kamil initiated a secret meeting of six young people (among them Ahmed Lutfi al-Said, the founder of the liberal movement of Egyptian social thought, and Mohammed Farid, Kamil's closest associate and later successor in the leadership of the party), at which it was decided to transform the Society for the Rebirth of the Nation into the National Party (Al - Farid).-Hizb al-Watani - after Urabi Pasha's party). The core of this secret party was informally the Khedive, who [Musa, 1961, p. 29; Goldschmidt, 1968, p. 317] provided her with financial support. However, its ideologue and leader was M. Kamil.

As the number of his followers increased and his influence in society increased, Mustafa became increasingly aware that his alliance with the Khedive distorted the natural development of the national movement, alienating many sincere patriots. Even in the past, the interests of Egyptian nationalism and the Khedive court did not always coincide, but after the Fashoda, when Abbas II, completely disillusioned with France, began to look for ways to reconcile with Great Britain, a cooling of their relations became inevitable.

The increased popularity of the publicist and speaker turned Kamil into an independent political figure. This change was gradual. In January 1900, he began publishing his own newspaper, Al-Liwa (Znamya), in which the departure from the Khedive was emphasized by calls for the introduction of a parliamentary regime in Egypt, in which the dominant role would be played by the intellectual elite. In his publications, developing the ideas of Egyptian nationalism, Kamil made a justification for the need to develop an Egyptian constitution. He combined the concepts of the French Revolution with the recognition of the Turkish Sultan as the caliph and supreme head of Islam, which objectively contributed to the spread of pan-Islamism. He unexpectedly supported the conservative Muslim backlash against Qasim Amin's famous 1899 book "The Liberation of Women", in which the author mildly called on Egyptian women to remove the veil and grant women the right to education. This position of Kamil was explained by his supporters by the fact that a discussion on this topic could lead to a split in society, and also by the fact that solving social problems should have been started after the evacuation of the British troops from the country [Tignor, 1966, p. 266].

From the very first issues, Al-Liwa distanced itself from the Khedive court: it condemned the Egyptian authorities for restricting the pilgrimage to Mecca, for subservience.-

10 In accordance with the Anglo-French agreement of March 21, 1899, the possessions of both powers in North Africa were demarcated, and France renounced its claims to the Nile basin.

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nystrov before the British advisers. The newspaper's popularity grew rapidly, and in a few years its circulation reached a record level for Egypt of 10 thousand copies.

Mustafa attached great importance to education as the most important means of educating young people in a patriotic spirit and training dedicated fighters for the freedom of the motherland. Among the well-to-do, nationalist sympathizers, there was a movement to create private schools for young people and evening schools for adults. These schools, whose training programs were focused on fostering a sense of national pride, unity and solidarity, began to enjoy great success. One of these schools, founded in 1899, was named after M. Kamil and soon turned into an exemplary educational institution [Ar-Rafii, 1950, pp. 139-141]. Kamil's work also had a major impact on the development of higher education in Egypt. In October 1904, he was the first to come up with a project to establish a "national university with national money" 11 and, with his characteristic energy, organized a campaign to put this idea into practice. The official opening of the private national university took place, unfortunately, after the death of Kamil, on December 21, 1908. In the honorary list of national figures who made the greatest contribution to the creation of the university (Muhammad Abdo, Qasim Amin, Ahmed Lutfi al-Said, etc.), the first place undoubtedly belongs to Mustafa Kamil (Ar-Rafii, 1950, pp. 143-145, 234-235).

To understand the evolution of Kamil's political views, it is useful to compare them with the ideological attitudes of Sheikh Ali Yusuf, editor of the newspaper Al-Muayyad, since during the 1890s the doctrines professed by them did not fundamentally differ and fully fit into the pan-Islamic concepts of Al-Afghani and M. Abdo. But while the founders of pan-Islamism argued for the revival of Islam and against European domination in the Eastern countries, their Egyptian students focused mainly on intra-Egyptian problems and the struggle against the hegemony of Great Britain. Nationalist leaders, most notably Kamil and Sheikh Yusuf, made extensive use of Islam and religious appeals to galvanize their followers ' activism. In Egyptian nationalism at the beginning of the 20th century, Islam played an important role both in the sphere of culture and as an essential element of national identity.

But after the founding of Al-Liwa, some differences of opinion with the editor of Al-Muayyad began to emerge. The clever and flexible conservative Sheikh generally continued to be a devoted follower of Al-Afghani, while Kamil increasingly became an exponent of Islamist-secularist nationalism. The French newspaper Tan claimed, not without reason, that Camille had two faces: one for Egypt and the Ottoman Empire, and the other for Europe. The former wears a tarbush and runs the pan-Islamic magazine Al-Liwa, the latter wears a hat and collaborates in Figaro. In his speeches and interviews, he assured European audiences that the Egyptians were striving to assimilate and accept the fundamental principles of Western civilization. He renounced any xenophobic or anti-Christian sentiment and tried to prove that Egypt was fully prepared for self-government.

At the turn of the century, the nationalist leader sought to develop and formulate new concepts based on the idea of the national state and the constitution, which inevitably contradicted traditional ideas. The modernization of Egypt has led to a tendency to weaken the influence and even discredit traditional Islam in the eyes of some educated classes, which necessitated the combination of European secular ideas with Muslim Orthodoxy.

11 By" national money " Kamil meant the private participation of wealthy Egyptians. It was not about funds from the state budget.

* Tarbouche, fez (Turkish-from the name of the city of Fez in Morocco) - a male headdress in the form of a truncated cone (usually red) with a tassel, common in the Ottoman Empire.

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This bizarre mixture of ideas required an extraordinary degree of political sophistication. Camille, like no one else, was able to put nationalist thought in a religious form and equally easily had a magnetic effect on various audiences and social groups.

While the difference in understanding and criticism of the British occupation was not significant at first between Kamil and Yusuf, it became more pronounced in the early twentieth century. While the Sheikh implicitly agreed to the Palace's policy of reconciliation with Great Britain, provided that Ottoman sovereignty over Egypt was preserved, Kamil increasingly demanded the immediate evacuation of the British, even if it required the use of force. A heavy blow to the nationalists was the Anglo-French agreement (Entente), signed on April 8, 1904, according to which the parties recognized the right of occupation and freedom of action of Great Britain in Egypt, and France in Morocco. The Entente had robbed the Egyptian nationalists of any hope of French support. It strengthened the occupation regime, which now seemed unshakable. The response of Kamil and his associates was a sharp radicalization of their propaganda. Now all the power of Mustafa's polemical talent was directed at criticizing not only the treacherous Albion, but also France, and the entire "European concert". His articles and speeches took on a militant pan-Islamic tone.

In 1905, Kamil started publishing a pan-Islamic weekly newspaper, Al-Alam al-Islami ("Islamic World"), which published articles and provided information on the life of Muslim peoples. The Khedive was displeased by the newspaper's extremely hostile tone towards the occupation authorities. An acrimonious conversation took place without witnesses (the content of which remains unclear), which led to a break with the Khedive. Mustafa was so annoyed that he announced his breakup with Abbas in an open letter to the Al-Ahram newspaper. Another consequence of the creation of the Entente was the turn of the nationalists towards the High Port. By loosening the emphasis on Egyptian identity, they have reinforced Pan-Muslim and pan-Islamic accents. Mustafa, who had long-standing connections in Turkey and was honored in the Sultan's palace itself, increased his visits to Istanbul. There, his services were highly appreciated. The Sultan granted Kamil the high imperial rank of mutemeiz in 1899, and in 1904, when he was not yet fully 30 years old, the title of pasha.

Until 1906, Camille's activities were limited to speaking at meetings and in the press, educational activities, and meetings with influential figures. There was no mass movement in Egypt yet. It emerged in 1906 and was associated with the era of the Asian awakening, especially the Young Turk bourgeois-democratic movement in Turkey. Kamil was greatly impressed by the news of Japan's victory in the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-1905, in which he saw signs of the revival of the power of the peoples of the East. In his book The Rising Sun, he said that Japan's success should be a powerful incentive and example for the Egyptians in their struggle against European domination. It was then that he formulated his famous aphorism: "There is no point in living desperate, and there is no point in despairing while you live."

The impetus for the mass movement was the Aqaba crisis, which arose in the spring of 1906, when, in connection with the construction of the Hejaz Railway, Turkey laid claim to part of the Sinai Peninsula, occupying the town of Taba west of Aqaba. Kamil and Yusuf spearheaded a press campaign in support of the Port, accusing London of seeking to undermine Islam and eliminate the sultanate. It was a paradoxical situation: while Kromer defended the territorial integrity of Egypt, nationalist leaders supported the sultan's demands.

As soon as the storm caused by the Aqaba incident (which ended with the withdrawal of Turkish troops) began to subside, the occupation regime faced a more serious test. In June 1906, as a result of a clash between a group of British soldiers, the

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officers who were hunting pigeons in the vicinity of the village of Dinshawai (Shibin el-Kom district), and local fellahs, an officer died. In this tense atmosphere, Kromer, feeling for the first time his inability to restore order, decided that the time had come to resort to the old tried - and-true method of demonstrating strength. In accordance with the law of 1895 on the attack on the personnel of British troops, a special tribunal was formed, which accused the peasants of premeditated murder of an officer. Two weeks later, a non - appealable verdict was handed down: four peasants were sentenced to hanging, two to life hard labor, the remaining 15 to various prison terms and severe flogging. The day after the verdict was announced, he was executed.

The Dinshavai execution caused a storm that erupted into a hurricane. After the initial state of impotent stupor experienced by most Egyptians, large gatherings and mass gatherings began across the country in defense of the Dinshawai shahids (martyrs for the faith), which turned into a nationwide protest campaign. The greatest poets of Egypt-Ahmed Shawki ("the prince of poets"), Hafiz Ibrahim ("the poet of the Nile") and many others composed patriotic qasids, and folk poets put them to music and sang in the villages, evoking patriotic feelings among the fellahs. The Dinshawai incident had given Kamil and Yusuf the most powerful trump cards to publish a series of articles calling for a fight against English tyranny. The pan-Islamic sentiments that they had tried to evoke during the Aqaba crisis were now expressed with greater force and conviction, and most importantly, they immediately found a response among the masses. Everyone was eagerly awaiting the release of the latest issues of Al-Liwa and Al-Muayyad, which published appeals and essays not only by nationalists, but also articles and statements by major figures of Western culture, such as Pierre Loti, Bernard Shaw and others, who expressed indignation at the actions of the colonial authorities.

The tragic events in a small village near Shibin el-Qoma fanned the smoldering flames of the national movement in two weeks more than Kamil had tried to do during 12 years of tireless and dedicated work. The powerful rise of nationalism was not prevented by the fact that in 1906-1907 the conflict between Mustafa Kamil and Sheikh Ali Yusuf for leadership in the national movement took on an open character.

The Sheikh was one of the most prominent Egyptian journalists, an excellent polemicist and had great achievements in the formation of the Egyptian press and the formation of journalistic personnel. However talented the editor of Al-Muayyad, which was certainly Egypt's best newspaper throughout the 1890s, could not compete with Kamil, whose fiery articles were characterized by extraordinary brightness and great inner strength. His courageous pathos was combined with simplicity and clarity of thought, and the "violent political style" he created has not lost its unique magic of attraction until now.

The Dinshavai tragedy led to the strengthening of the National Party and its leader. At the height of the rise of the national movement, he became for a time the most popular and influential person in the country-the only Egyptian who was able to unite and raise, as well as moderate, the entire educated class and youth overnight. In these circumstances, wrote the famous Egyptian historian Abdarrahman Al-Rafi'i, a powerful and powerful voice was needed that could shake the consciousness of people, inform the world about a terrible crime and influence public opinion in Egypt and Europe.

This mission could only be completed by Camille. And, despite a serious illness, he found the strength to write a long article entitled "Towards the English nation and the Civilised World", which was published on the front page of the newspaper

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"Figaro "(11.07.1906). It marked the beginning of a powerful campaign in Egypt and Europe that had far-reaching consequences. This time, the speech of the Egyptian tribune received a response not only in France, but also in England itself. There, after the victory of the liberals in the parliamentary elections, the balance of political forces in the parliament has noticeably changed. The left denounced the Dinshawai trial and formed a special commission on Egyptian affairs.

In mid-July, Mustafa hurried to London, where he managed to do the almost impossible: stir up English public opinion and get a meeting in Downing Street with Prime Minister Campbell-Bannerman, whom he tried to convince of the need to recall Kromer and give the Egyptians more freedom and rights. At the end of the conversation, Kamil handed the Prime Minister a list of names of 32 Egyptians whom he considered worthy of holding ministerial posts. It is interesting to note that the list included all those Egyptians who were to play a decisive role in the political movement of Egypt in the first post-war decades.

At home, in the second half of 1906, he managed to rally for a while the entire nation-from the Khedive to the urban and rural lower classes-against the autocratic power of Kromer. At this time, even the most ardent Anglophiles and Copts joined the banner of Kamil. The Khedive considered it necessary to take steps towards reconciliation, secretly inviting a group of nationalist leaders led by Mustafa to a meeting in the palace in October 1906, at which he promised to legalize the party's activities and create a joint-stock company to finance foreign versions of the newspaper Al-Liwa. In November, a company was established with Camille as its life director, and in March 1907 the first issues of the French and English editions (L'etendard Egyptien and Egyptian Standard) were published, and the nationalist leader became editor of several popular newspapers and head of the largest newspaper association.

The Dinshawai affair was a turning point in Anglo-Egyptian relations: after 24 years of stagnation, a new force emerged that the British had to reckon with. Finally, one of the happiest days of Camille's life came: in April 1907, Kromer was recalled from Egypt. This resignation was perceived in Egypt as a triumph for the nationalists and the entire nation. In his farewell speech on May 4, 1907, Cromer declared that the British occupation must continue indefinitely, and at the same time "seriously warned" that the development of parliamentary institutions in Egypt would harm the interests of the peasants. This speech of" Lourdes, " as ordinary Egyptians called him, caused great indignation, anger, and condemnation. When Kromer drove to the train station to leave Cairo, no Egyptian came out to see him off, and the streets of the city were empty.

A year after returning to his homeland, Kromer published a large book in 2 volumes (more than 1000 pages), in which he managed not to mention M. Kamil once. English historians are still puzzled to argue about the reasons for this. But it is clear that Lourdes was consistent in its own way. Having once declared nationalists "numerically insignificant" and "worth little", he had no reliable information about the mood of Egyptian society due to arrogant racism and lack of contact with Egyptians, did not understand the scale or potential of Egyptian nationalism, and persistently continued to call on the British authorities to suppress this "loud minority"by force. For a long time, Camille, whom the Lord considered "England's worst enemy in Egypt," was Cromer's main, albeit absentee, opponent. The main point of difference between their views was that Kromer categorically denied the existence of the Egyptian nation, while the nationalist leader was convinced that the Egyptian nation not only exists, but also requires independence and constitutional governance carried out by the Egyptians in the interests of the Egyptians.

Camille was much more objective about the lord. In an article dedicated to Kromer's resignation, he listed the numerous "deeds" of the latter in Egypt ("imposed a heavy penalty

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He also wrote that he" put his hand on the throne", "conquered the Sudan with our people and money and then deprived us of all rights and authority over it", "deprived the Egyptian government of any power or influence", "deprived the poor of the opportunity to study in government schools and fought against the Arabic language".: "But to be fair, we remember that he has remained a model of integrity throughout his career and an example to others who are empowered. He could have been the richest man on earth, but he chose honor over wealth, and he succeeded" [Richmond, 1977, p. 156-157].

The aggravation of the political situation and accelerated politicization have given rise to numerous disputes about the ways of further development of the country and the division of the national movement into several currents. Back in March 1907, a group of moderate liberals encouraged by Kromer founded the newspaper Al-Gharida ("Gazeta"). The formation of the Umma (Party of the Nation) party dispelled Kamil's hopes of continuing to lead the struggle of the united Egyptian nation. Prior to this, Mustafa hesitated to form a party, seeing in this the danger of a split in the national movement. On October 22, 1907, he delivered his most famous speech in Alexandria to an audience of 7,000, in which he officially announced the formation of the National Party. 12 Its main task was the immediate withdrawal of British troops from Egypt (hence its second name-the Evacuation Party). Kamil appealed to the Copts to unite with the Muslims and form a united anti-English national front. But despite Kamil's great authority, especially among the educated Copts, the idea of a secular Egypt was alien to a country whose population identified itself primarily in terms of religious affiliation. Copts were wary of the pan-Muslim and pan-Islamic tendencies of the National Party and felt that the policy of isolation was more in the interests of their community.

At the same time, it should be noted that it was largely thanks to Kamil that inter-communal tensions did not develop into bloody clashes that took place in the years following his death, and the idea of a Coptic-Muslim united front against the British was put into practice at the next stage of the struggle for independence.

The first General Congress (Congress) of the party was held on December 27, 1907 in Cairo. It was attended by delegates from all over the country-rich landowners, people of liberal professions, farmers and artisans, a total of 1,019 people. The Congress approved the party's program and elected a 30-member steering committee and 8 executive committee members. Kamil was elected chairman for life, and the Al-Liwa newspaper was declared the official organ of the party. Addressing the delegates, the leader stressed that the National Party is not just a party, but above all a party for the life of the nation and its revival. Among the social problems, only the task of eliminating illiteracy in the country was put forward.

The programs of the Party of the Nation and the National Party were very similar: both proclaimed full national independence as the main goal; the demand for the introduction of a constitution guaranteeing civil rights and freedoms, and the election of a parliament based on universal suffrage, to which the executive is responsible. The Watanists were in favor of the immediate evacuation of British troops, the Ummah was in favor of complete independence from Turkey, as well as Great Britain, but at the same time was ready to cooperate with the latter in preparing the conditions for independence in the country.

In their controversy with the Ummah, the Watanists argued that freedom is never given, but always taken. These differences were reflected in the composition of activists and ordinary members. The Vatanists enjoyed the unqualified support of young people, students, small employees, lawyers, journalists, pharmacists, among whom Europeanization often took place

12 Until then, the activities of the Al-Hizb al-Watani party were not official.

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It was superficial, and pan-Islamic slogans resonated. The Ummah was a more elite party. Its members were the richest landlords and the big bourgeoisie. The members of the Ummah were richer, more respectable, and more European than the Watanists.

In November 1907, at the initiative of the Khedive, the Constitutional Reform Party was founded, which, despite its name, sought to suppress any form of parliamentary government. Sheikh Ali Yusuf became the chairman of this Khedive Party, as it was often called, and Al - Muayyad became the press organ. The party had no ideology, supported the sultan and fought to consolidate the Khedive's power. But the power of the National Party was so great that even the Khedive did not dare to openly join this pro-court party as long as Kamil was alive.

The Ummah and the Constitutional Reform Party were small groups united around the editors-in-chief of their respective party newspapers. The Vatanists stood out for their large numbers and unity around an outstanding leader who, like no one else, was able to formulate and express popular feelings. The party's leadership consisted of beys and pashes13, who sought to attract their poorer compatriots by allocating funds for the opening of public schools, the creation of consumer cooperatives, and in subsequent years, trade unions. The party's social base was a small but growing Muslim urban middle class.

Kamil's speech at the founding congress of the National Party was the last. Despite a serious illness, he managed to gather his courage for a short time, striking the audience with extraordinary eloquence. But after the end of this speech, his condition deteriorated sharply, he barely got home and did not leave his home.

Kamil's death (he died on February 10, 1908) was perceived throughout the country as a national tragedy. His funeral, the most grandiose Egypt had ever seen in the first quarter of the twentieth century, was a demonstration of national mourning. The coffin of the young leader was followed through the streets of Cairo by a large number of people who came from all the provinces of Lower Egypt, about 250 thousand.

Qasim Amin, another remarkable son of Egypt, the "liberator of women", described the event as follows: "On February 11, 1908, on the day of the funeral of Mustafa Kamil, I saw the heart of Egypt beating for the second time. The first time was on the day of the execution of the Dinshavai case... But then this unity of feelings remained hidden in the soul, it could not find a way out, it could not shine a bright ray that everyone would see. On the day of the burial of the editor of Al-Liwa, this feeling flared up in all the splendor of a mighty beauty and exploded with a roar that could be heard in Istanbul, and echoed to all the ends of the earth."

Mustafa Kamil was the most charismatic figure in Egypt's national history in the first two decades of the twentieth century, until the emergence of Saad Zaghlul in the late 1920s. After a decade of shock from the trauma of the Egyptian army's suppression of the uprising and the British occupation, Camille was the first to boldly challenge the "aliens" openly, demanding the withdrawal of British troops. The most important document of the Egyptian revolution, the "Charter", proclaimed on May 21, 1962 by Gamal Abdel Nasser, states: "Ahmed Urabi fell silent, but the voice of Mustafa Kamil resounded loudly throughout Egypt." His fearlessness in the face of a formidable enemy restored the Egyptians ' self-confidence, and his inspired speeches and articles inspired the national cultural renaissance of the 20th century. It is not by chance that so many praiseworthy odes and elegiac qasids were dedicated to any of the national leaders.

The large and cohesive party he created, which captured the hearts and minds of Egyptians, continued to be the main current of the national movement until

13 Pasha - the title of the highest military and civil dignitaries in the Ottoman Empire, and since the beginning of the XIX century. and in Egypt. The titles "pasha " and" bey " were abolished in Turkey in 1934, and in Egypt in 1952.

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During the First World War, it became the first truly partisan organization in Egypt. The "National Party" and its leader played a decisive role in establishing the idea of the existence of the Egyptian nation and prepared the country for the third, truly popular wave of the national movement - the uprising of 1919, achieving first formal, and after the 1952 revolution, true independence.

list of literature

Wahida Subhi. Fi usul al-masala al-mysriyya (The Origins of the Egyptian question).

Iskanderov A. F. Pervaya reche Mustafa Kamilya v Aleksandrii [The first speech of Mustafa Kamil in Alexandria]. Issledovaniya po istorii i kul'tury Vostoka [Studies on the History and Culture of the East], Moscow: Izd-vo AN SSSR, 1960.
Krachkovsky I. Y. Izbrannye sochineniya [Selected Works], vol. 3, Moscow: Publishing House of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1956.

An-Naggar Hussein Fawzi. Saad Zaghlul. Cairo: Maktaba Madbuli, 1987.

Ar-Rafii Abdarrahman. Mustafa Kamil Bais al-haraka al-wataniyah (Mustafa Kamil-the reviver of the national movement). Cairo: Maktaba ennahda al-mysriyya. 1950.

Rashad Ahmad. Mustafa Kamil. Hayatuhu wa kifahuhu (Mustafa Kamil. His life and struggle). Cairo: Al-Saada Publ., 1958.

Goldschmidt Arthur. The Egyptian National Party. 1892 - 1919 // Political and Social Change in Modern Egypt. L., 1968.

Musa S. The Education of Salama Musa. Leiden: Brill, 1961.

Richmond J.C.B. Egypt 1798 - 1952. Her Advance Towards a Modern Identity. N.Y., 1977.

Tignor R. Modernisation and British Colonial Rule in Egypt. 1882 - 1914. Princeton, New Jersey, 1966.

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