(ON THE POLITICAL UTOPIA OF TOMMASO CAMPANELLA)

In the summer of 1606, in one of the many memorials addressed to the powerful from the terrible "pit" of the castle of St. Elmo, Tommaso Campanella listed his works that had already been written and those that he promised to present in the near future; in this list, "The City of the Sun" is next to the book about " what is soon, at the end that there will be one flock and one shepherd, under a happy autocracy, and that the Spanish king will be the chief collector of this universal Catholic state", and "a book intended for the King of Spain on the means of achieving this autocracy", and "an amazing book written for the pope on the happy and wise preservation" of this universal monarchy, and "a book on the conversion of pagans in both Indies", and "the great book against politicians and Machiavellians"1 . Thus, the creator of the communist utopia appears to us as the creator of the utopia of the world theocratic state under the auspices of the Roman pontiff, the author of the "City of the Sun" - as the author of the "Monarchy of the Messiah".

Written shortly after the "City of the Sun", in the winter of 1606/1607, "Monarchy of the Messiah", which establishes the world-wide theocratic ideal of Campanella, was distributed for many years in lists (more than 20 of them have come down to our time); translated later by the author into Latin, it was published in the provincial town of Yezi, despite the resistance of Roman enemies of Campanella in 1633 and immediately confiscated. A total of 16 copies of this edition have survived to this day (one of them - the only one that Campanella managed to save and take with him to France and there presented with a handwritten handwritten addition to one of his Parisian friends-is now stored in the library of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism under the Central Committee of the CPSU). This work does not stand isolated in Campanella's oeuvre. It develops the ideas first expressed in the youth (1593) "Monarchy of Christians". His numerous political treatises, memorials, letters, poems, the XIV book of his multi-volume "Theology" and the treatise "On the Kingdom of God" written in the last years of his life are devoted to the promotion of the unity of humanity in one world state with the "one Shepherd"at the head.

Considering the communist program for the transformation of the "City of the Sun" society and the theocratic utopia of the "Monarchy of the Messiah" incompatible, trying to explain this contradiction, Campanella's biographer L. Amabile put forward the simul theory in the 80s of the last century-

1 L. Firpo. Appunti Campanelliani, XXIII. "Giornale critico della filosofia italiana". (Firenze). Vol. XXXII. 1953, pp. 477 - 481.

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a Neapolitan prisoner who, in order to gain his freedom, is forced to express views that contradict his true beliefs. According to Amabile, almost all of Campanella's political and theological treatises "cannot serve as an expression of the author's inner convictions, but rather as an expression of the extreme circumstances that pressed him from all sides." 2 Supported, though not without reservations, by a number of researchers (And. Kvachala, L. Blanchet et al. 3), this theory has become widespread in our popular literature. Thus, Yu. Krasovsky believed that all Campanella's works, except for the "City of the Sun", are" exclusively diplomatic tricks caused by living conditions", when the author was forced to express his true views"under the mask of deliberate theological and scholastic terminology, under the screen of arguments about the ideal Christian monarchy". A. E. Shtekli, author of the popular biography of Campanella 4, shares a similar point of view .

However, the "theory of simulation" proved to be untenable in the light of later, deeper research and analysis of the political and philosophical writings of the great Calabrian. First of all, as the Soviet researcher L. S. Cicolini rightly noted, the very "assumption that the philosopher for 27 years deliberately lied, skillfully pretended, wrote against his intimate beliefs, and wrote with all seriousness and great passion, creating a number of outstanding works, seemed unconvincing"5 . But it's not just psychological arguments. It is hardly possible to speak about Campanella's political views without arbitrarily excluding from his literary heritage dozens of works devoted to both general problems of political theory and specific, topical issues of contemporary political reality. 6 "Political aphorisms" and "Speeches to the Italian sovereigns", "Questions of Politics" and "Discourse on Ecclesiastical government", "Warning to the King of France" and "Discourse on Freedom and happy Submission to the Ecclesiastical state", pamphlet "To Venice" and "Appeal to the French people", "Discourse on increasing the income of the Neapolitan State". kingdoms" and a missionary work on the verse of the psalm "All the ends of the earth will remember and turn to the Lord" - this is not a complete list of Fra Tommaso's political writings that have come down to us. Partly published during the author's lifetime, partly distributed in manuscripts, they were successful among contemporaries and to some extent influenced the formation of European public opinion. Many of them were written before the Calabrian conspiracy and the Neapolitan prisons, others after their release from prison, others at the same time as the City of the Sun, but, most importantly, they all echo each other, they are based on a single system of political views, despite all the differences in external reasons for writing and literary design.

2 L. Amabile. Fra Tommaso Campanella, la sua congiura, i suoi processi e la sua pazzia. Vol. 1. Napoli. 1882, p. 147.

3 L. Blanchet. Tommaso Campanella, P. 1919; I. I. Kvachala. Thomas Campanella. "Journal of the Ministry of National Education", St. Petersburg, 1906, No. 10; 1907, NN 1, 5, 8, 12.

4 Yu. Krasovsky. Thomas Campanella and his social utopia. "Class Struggle", 1935, No. 9, p. 98; A. E. Shtekli. Campanella, Moscow, 1966, pp. 283-284.

5 HP Chicolini. Socio-political views of Tommaso Campanella. Kand. diss. M. 1946, p. 19.

6 This is why O. P. Leist's recent attempt to consider Campanella's state-legal views is based solely on the Russian translations of the City of the Sun and the passage "On the Best State", completely ignoring all other writings of the thinker and the latest research on it. See O. P. Leist. Issues of state and law in the writings of the utopian socialists of the XVI - XVII centuries. M. 1966.

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Therefore, the attempt of modern Catholic researchers to present the "City of the Sun" and the Communist utopia in general as an accidental and insignificant moment in the creative evolution of the thinker seems to be as untenable as the separation of the "City of the Sun" from the entire set of political treatises of Campanella by supporters of the "theory of simulation". "The solar myth," writes R. Amerio, "is only an indirect proof of the correspondence that exists between the dictates of reason and the teaching of the gospel." 7 Similarly, J. R. R. Tolkien Di Napoli sees in the "City of the Sun" only a representation of the pre-Christian state of society, and the lack of private property and family in tanning salons is attributed to the "shortcomings" of a state built on purely philosophical principles. 8 .

The only way to properly understand the true content of Campanella's political utopia is to take into account his entire literary heritage, avoid modernizing it, and ignore the complexity and inconsistency of the socio-political ideals that formed the basis of all his political activities - from the organization of the Calabrian conspiracy of 1599 to attempts in the last years of his life to influence the policy of the French crown. At the same time, the first and most necessary condition for analysis is a historical approach, taking into account the real circumstances and conditions that brought to life both sides of the political utopia of Campanella - communism and the idea of a world state.

The program of socio-political upheaval conceived by Campanella covered the entire globe. The thinker from Stilo is probably the first social reformer in the history of mankind who thought in universal categories. He did not agree to anything less than a transformation of the social structure of "all the ends of the earth". But although he was close to the sufferings of the American Indians, although he included distant Muscovy in his reform plans, dreaming of uniting the peoples of Europe and Asia, Africa and America in a world power, his thoughts about the future of humanity were based on concern for the fate of his native land, Italy, and even more so-the Neapolitan viceroyalty, and finally most of all - about the sufferings and troubles of his fellow countrymen-Calabrian artisans and peasants.

Therefore, in his sermons and in the explanations written after the Calabrian conspiracy was defeated, Fra Tommaso referred to the unbearable situation in Calabria, to the oppression of taxes and the ruin of the peasants, to the strife in the cities, to the raids of the Turks and local bandits. "I heard complaints from every peasant I met on the road," he wrote in a "Statement" at the inquest into the Calabrian conspiracy of 1599, " and from everyone I spoke to, I learned that everyone was in a mood for change."9
It is this "propensity for change" that should serve as the key to a correct understanding of the social roots of Campanella's political activities and program. His first speech was the Calabrian conspiracy, the first outline of a communist utopia contained in sermons on the eve of the failed uprising. The conspiracy that Campanella led, and for which he paid 27 years in prison, was too often viewed primarily as a fact of the thinker's biography. However, we should not forget the place of this event in the turbulent socio-political history of Southern Italy at the end of the XVI century.-

7 R. Amerjo. Il problema esegetio fondamentale del.pensiero Campanelliano. "Rivista di filosofia neoscolastica". 1939, pp. 381 - 382; ejusd. Campanella. Brescia. 1947, pp. 18 - 19.

8 G. Di Napoli. Il problema dell'ortossia Campanelliana. "Euntes docete". 1963, pp. 90 - 91.

9 See L. Amabile. Op. cit., p. 153.

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letiya. The conspiracy of 1599 cannot be traced back to the identity of Campanella, but it had deep roots in Calabrian and Neapolitan history and fits seamlessly into the history of the Viceroyalty. Despite all the passivity of the masses, which tragically affected the rapid defeat of the conspirators after the treacherous denunciation, the very attempt to prepare an uprising against Spanish rule on the basis of a radical program of social transformation was closely connected with the opposition sentiments of the lower classes. It is not by chance that the utopian plans formulated by Campanella found approval and support in the ranks of his numerous followers, although they did not always correctly, and sometimes vulgarly and in a distorted form (as it was at the investigation) understood and conveyed these plans. Under these circumstances, the coup attempt itself appears not as the result of the solitary thoughts of a learned monk, but as an expression of the very real moods and feelings of the Calabrian peasants.

By the end of the sixteenth century, southern Italy was the center of the most acute social contradictions. The whole of Italy was broken up, snatched up by foreigners, and subjected to the stronger powers of Europe; but nowhere was the foreign yoke so heavy and humiliating as in the Viceroyalty of Naples. Throughout Italy of this era, the symptoms of increased feudal reaction, economic decline and stagnation are noticeable, but nowhere did they go so deep, did not lead to such disasters, as in the southern Italian possessions of the Spanish crown. The weak germs of early bourgeois relations were stifled in the bud; this was greatly facilitated by the fiscal policy of Spain, the policy of robbing the country's productive population, supporting the feudal nobility, the church, and usurious (Genoese, after the expulsion of the Jews from the Viceroyalty) capital. Cities, without receiving anything from the central government, become equally prey to the royal fiscal and baronial arbitrariness. The political system that prevailed in the Neapolitan Viceroyalty combined all the disadvantages of foreign centralization, expressed mainly in the fiscal and judicial arbitrariness of the authorities, with remnants of feudal local arbitrariness, with the preservation of baronial prisons, judicial, tax and other privileges. In addition, neither the state nor the feudal lords could protect the population from an external enemy, from the constant raids of the Turks on the coast, and they were not able to ensure the internal security of trade routes from robbers.

As a result of this repeated oppression of the treasury, barons, usurers, and grain speculators, the situation of the Calabrian peasants was particularly difficult. Many writers of the late sixteenth century noted with anger and bitterness the contrast between the natural wealth of Calabria and the desperate situation of its inhabitants. "If only the greed - born baseness of merchants and the insatiable voracity of the great cities of the kingdom had not forced the export of grain from Calabria, one might truly say that this land is blessed by God," wrote the historian Girolamo Marafioti in 1601 .10 And the sixteenth-century Calabrian writer Gabriel Barrio concluded his description of the riches and virtues of his native land with the pathetic "Lament of Calabria": "Since such is the region of Calabria and so profitable for sovereigns, it should be spared even just hardships, and live in dignity and honor. But, O times! "not only is it burdened with ordinary taxes, but it is also burdened with unjust and heavy levies, so that many even cut down their vineyards because of excessive taxation. Add to this that both sea coasts are raided annually by pirates when

10 G. Marafioti. Chronache et antichita di Calabria. Padova. 1601, f. 311 v.

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towns and villages are put to death, pillaged, and burned, crops are burned, vineyards and olive groves and other trees are cut down, and livestock, and-what is more deplorable and terrible-people of both sexes and all ages become the prey of enemies. Because of this, towns and villages have become deserted, and in many places the fields are abandoned and not cultivated. There is no one to protect the coast, or to guard the roads from robbers and robbers, or to count the multitude of captives, to redeem them from barbarous slavery, and restore them to Christian freedom; but there is one who, without any military necessity, must take a census of the population of both sexes and all ages, and collect payments from the most destitute. And the country itself is full of monsters - I mean kings and tyrants who plunder it, and skin it, and appropriate to themselves the forests and hills, the fields and pastures, the rivers and fishing grounds and hunting grounds, and all the rights that belong to the people."11
In one of his last political works, an Address to the French People, written in 1635, Tommaso Campanella wrote about the disasters of his native country: "Look at Italy. Your king is of the same blood as you, and even if he cooks you, he does not eat you, and if he shears your hair, he does not flay your skin, as her enemies, the Spaniards, and in part the local sovereigns, do in Italy without restraint... And what about the unfortunate kingdom of Naples and Sicily, where law and order are what Spanish greed and pride desire? Where they pay more taxes than they have property, where everyone pays a poll tax of 20 ducats, even if he is a beggar, has neither a field nor a house, and lives by his work-only for carrying his head on his shoulders; where there is no insignificant thing that is not taxed, whether it is natural gifts or gifts of the world. handicrafts... and taxes are growing from year to year and from month to month... "Unhappy people!" 12 .

It is no coincidence that Southern Italy was the scene of the most violent uprisings during this era, from the protest against the attempt to introduce the Spanish Inquisition in 1564 to the Mazanielo revolt in 1647. A contemporary wrote of the Neapolitans: "A more insolent and unruly people is not to be found in the whole world, a lowly people, beggars and corrupt, a rabble that has given rise to all the popular uprisings and uprisings in this city, and which nothing can curb but the gallows." 13 Especially strong was the performance of the urban lower classes of Naples in the revolt of 1585, caused by a sharp increase in the price of bread, which outgrew the scope of a purely spontaneous explosion of hatred for the rich and revealed the ability of the lower strata of the urban population to organize and put forward an independent program of social upheaval, as shown in a recent study by the Italian historian R. Villari14 . One of the leaders of the revolt, the apothecary Giovanni Leonardo Pisano, was connected with the Neapolitan intelligentsia circles in which Tommaso Campanella was involved a few years later: his brother, a university professor, was the teacher of Campanella's older friend, the philosopher and naturalist Giambattista Della Porta, and his colleague in the city government was the famous scientist Ferrante Imperato .15
The brutal massacre of the participants of the uprising (dozens executed, hundreds sentenced to hard labor, thousands of exiles and fugitives) did not lead to a complete calm of the rebellious capital of the Viceroyalty.-

11 T. Acetus. In G. Barri De antiquitate et situ Calabriae prolegomena. R. 1737, p. 49.

12 T. Campanella. Opuscoli inediti. Firenze. 1951, pp. 92 - 93.

13 Cit. by: B. Croce. Storia del Regno di Napoli. Bari. 1965, p. 132.

14 R. Villari. La rivolta antispagnola a Napoli. Le origini (1585 - 1647). Bari, 1967, pp. 38 - 48.

15 Ibid., pp. 51 - 52.

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attempts to raise an uprising also took place in 1591 - 1592; "fraternities" of artisans and workshop workers appeared in the city, aiming at common participation in religious holidays and rituals and joint actions for improving wages; these associations caused sharp condemnation from the church authorities. At the same time, one of the characteristic consequences of the defeat of the uprising was the spread of monarchical sentiments among the Plebeians, hopes for a beneficial intervention from above, which should put an end to the arbitrariness of barons, grain speculators and usurers.

But perhaps the most characteristic and significant manifestation of the social ferment in Southern Italy of this era was the widespread spread of"banditry". This word must be used here in quotation marks - in modern Russian it has a completely different meaning; however, we are talking about a phenomenon that is largely analogous to what was called "robbery"in Russian feudal reality. Exiles of all kinds, declassified elements thrown out of the social structure, people of all social backgrounds - former monks, small nobles who were ruined and became victims of civil strife and baronial and judicial arbitrariness, townspeople who fled from debts and taxes or from persecution after unsuccessful uprisings, but especially desperate peasants who were deprived of the opportunity to leave the country. to ensure at least simple reproduction in their own economy, they formed the social base of this movement. Robbery was the only form of active resistance to the authorities and local feudal lords, the main opposition force in the viceroyalty, the ferment of social fermentation. The robbers found support from the rural and urban population, who refused to pay tithes and baronial rents. Sometimes their actions covered a large area, where they even introduced something like their own administration, distributed looted property among the poor, and for a long time resisted the regular royal troops. Such a popular hero among the people was in 1559-1563. Marco Berardi, nicknamed "King Marcone". In the years after the Neapolitan Revolt of 1585, for 6 to 7 years, troops of Marco Sciarra, who called himself "The Scourge of God and the commissioner sent by God against usurers and hoarders of excess wealth", operated in Calabria .16 The robbers also enjoyed the support of the impoverished rural clergy, and often the monasteries served as a refuge for fugitives from the Spanish authorities.

Of course, one should not idealize the robber movement. It was spontaneous, and the boundaries between social protest and ordinary violence and looting were sometimes very shaky. It was precisely for this lack of a clear program, for a purely anarchist-destructive tendency, that Campanella condemned the robbers who rebelled against the "old law" and did not set out to introduce the "new law"17 . But apart from the social ferment that manifested itself in the wave of "banditry" that broke out in Calabria in 1596-1600, the Campanella conspiracy cannot be understood.

The incalculable calamities that befell the peasant masses and the urban lower classes of Calabria contributed to the spread of eschatological, messianic sentiments among them. Medieval traditions of intense expectation of a global cosmic revolution that should lead to the establishment of the kingdom of God on earth are coming to life. The belief in all sorts of signs and prophecies is spreading, and the decline in influence and authority has also contributed significantly to this.-

16 Ibid., pp. 67 - 84.

17 Ibid., p. 82.

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theta of the official church. The sermons of Tommaso Campanella, which he addressed to his listeners in 1599, found a grateful ground. It is incorrect to assume that the Calabrian monk adapted to the level of his parishioners: he himself was at the mercy of the same eschatological sentiments. The belief in prophecies and astrological omens served as an ideological justification for the uprising he was preparing. His hopes for radical changes in the social order, his plans for the transformation of human society, his dreams of establishing a just, natural and reasonable system, Campanella always associated with the expectation of a cosmic revolution, the signs of which he saw everywhere. He referred to earthquakes, famines, plagues, floods, and most of all to the appearance of new stars and comets. The invention of printing and artillery, the discovery of America and the observations of Galileo - all these things were for him evidence of a new era, indisputable proof of the approaching great renewal, which was to lead to the establishment of a just society - the kingdom of God on earth. He justified the necessity and inevitability of radical changes with biblical prophecies, revelations of medieval saints, and predictions of ancient sages.

Not only in his sermons to the ignorant and superstitious fellow countrymen who were part of the Calabrian conspiracy, but also in conversations with the Neapolitan astronomer Diola, Campanella discussed the terrible signs of the coming changes. It is incorrect to see in his astrological prophecies a clever ploy to mislead the royal judges (astrology was forbidden as a heresy, and references to it did not ease the situation of the defendant in any way). In his letters to Galileo, the Neapolitan prisoner referred to his work, to which he attached a special meaning, "On the signs of the destruction of the world in fire"; however, it was not about complete destruction, but "about a certain renewal". Having received the famous "Dialogue" of Galileo, he expressed regret that the work of the Tuscan mathematician did not touch on the" most desirable "things for him, namely "anomalies", shifts in the world order, which, together with the discovery of "new worlds", new luminaries, new systems, new peoples, testified to the "beginning of a new century". . "When all the movements of the motionless and wandering stars return to their original beginning, then the transformation of all things and the path of universal life will be completed, and what the eternal Mind will consider beautiful and good will come," predicted Campanella the astrologer in the Great End .19 Even in the strict and sober "Political Aphorisms" in which he, in his own words, "founded political science", he supported his program of transforming the world by referring to the approaching cosmic catastrophe, and then the clear wording of a reasonable politician was replaced by the poetic insights of the prophet: "The worldly dominion will end when every state will turn into every state, and every sect into every sect, and every opinion into every opinion, and the end of the world will come, when every thing will become every thing in the changing world, and the worldly numbers will be demolished and overcome by eternal numbers." This vague eschatological prophecy is explained in a more mundane way in another aphorism: "Because all the sects and religions will change. As with the main forms and other communities, humanity will necessarily come to the original natural and divine state structure, to be ruled by a single high priest with a senate of optimates chosen by the best and from among them, as God has decreed and as I have proved in the Christian Monarchy, which is in accordance with the laws of the Christian Monarchy.-

18 T. Campanella. Lettere. Bari. 1927, pp. 167, 241.

19 T. Campanella. Epilogo Magno. R. 1939, p. 218.

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in accordance with the prophecies and the natural cycle of things, one must come to the original innocent state of nature. " 20
It should not be forgotten that astrology was for Campanella a science, and an exact science at that. Therefore, he considered the" return to the innocent natural state "of humanity as an inevitable result of the" natural cycle of things", by which he understood the objective regularity prevailing in the cosmos. Unknown, it is called "Fate, Fate and Chance", but, understood by people, it is embodied in the" Prudence " of human behavior, taking into account circumstances. When people follow the omens of Doom, Campanella wrote in The Spanish Monarchy, all their affairs flourish, when they go against Doom, they find themselves in difficulties. However, astrology did not lead to fatalism: the "natural cycle of things" only creates prerequisites for free human action. Therefore, without relying on the favorable position of the luminaries and on the divine will, a person should strive for the transformation of the world himself. But if Campanella sought to justify and sanctify the social revolution he had conceived with the help of astrological and eschatological ideas, then the very idea of the urgent need for profound changes arose from the political reality of his time, from the obvious and intolerable national disasters, and in the theory of future world cataclysms received only the appearance of "scientific" and theological justification."

Campanella saw social inequality,wealth and poverty as the main cause of all the disasters and disorders of the modern world. "All over Christendom," he wrote in The Spanish Monarchy, " there is this delusion that some are poor and others rich... And today we see that one person has a hundred thousand scudi of income, and a thousand people do not have even three scudi for one. And he who has a hundred thousand seizes the income of a thousand people and spends it on dogs, horses, buffoons, expensive clothes and, worse, harlots. And if the poor man gets into a dispute with him, he will not be able to get justice and becomes an exile or dies in prison, and the rich man oppresses whom he pleases, because the judge depends on him, because they become judges through patronage, and even more so for money. " 21 Wealth and poverty, the power of money lead to the domination of private interest in society, to the pursuit of profit, to the destruction of morality. The discovery of the New World, the flood of gold, and the subsequent price revolution brought untold disasters. "It can truly be said that the gold of the New World in a certain sense destroyed the Old World, because it created greed in our souls and destroyed mutual love between people. Everyone turns his love into money, and from this came fraud, and people often sell and resell their faith, seeing that money is worshipped and has power over everything, and has subordinated science and religious preaching to self-interest, and abandoned agriculture and crafts, becoming slaves to money and the rich. At the same time, gold has created great inequality between people, so that some are too rich, which makes them arrogant, and others are too poor, which makes them envious, thieves and murderers. " 22
In his book on the psalm verse "They will Remember and be Converted...", Campanella criticized the theological justification of social inequality and the domination of people over people. "And I said, turning to philosophy: what made man master over man? Is it related to

20 T. Campanella. Aforismi politici. Torino. 1941, pp. 121 - 122.

21 T. Campanella. Delia Monarchia di Spagna. "Opere scelte". Vol. 2. Torino. 1854, p. 148.

22 Ibid., pp. 142 - 143.

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or blood? And she answered: No way! for all are descended from Adam and descended by blood, so that mutual love may reign and one may not be exalted above the other... Blood cannot be the cause of nobility: fleas and lice born of human blood are therefore not called men, and this clearly proves that people born of kings are therefore not kings. So did God make it so? Not at all. After all, he said: "Let them have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the birds of the air, and over the beasts" - and not over men. So isn't this the wisdom of God incarnate? Not at all; for Christ said, " Kings rule over the nations, but you do not." Campanella explains the emergence of social oppression by "bestial paganism", which made "people masters over people" 23 .

The domination of inequality and private interest in society creates unrestrained selfishness and individualism. Campanella considered Machiavellianism to be the embodiment of these vices, which he called one of the two "horns of the Antichrist". In the political teaching of the Florentine secretary, Campanella saw, first of all, the preaching of private interest that he hated and the justification of the idea of state necessity, which sacrificed the interests of the people in order to strengthen the power of the sovereign. His "Defeated atheism" (which the author himself called "Anti-Machiavellianism") he conceived it as a book against " politicians and Machiavellians-this plague of our century... those who base state necessity on selfishness " 24 . "The essence of the doctrine of political necessity," wrote Campanella in 1607, " which they call state necessity, is to place the part above the whole, and oneself above the human race, and above the world, and above God. These vile speculations are the products of selfishness, infirmity, and ignorance. " 25
"Sirs... They revere Machiavelli for the Gospel, " he wrote to Pope Paul V. "After all, no one believes in the Bible, the Koran, or the Gospel, but they believe only in personal benefits. Almost all scientists and statesmen are Machiavellian politicians. " 26 "State necessity is a concept invented by tyrants, "he argued in Political Aphorisms," because it seems to them that any law can be violated in order to preserve and acquire power... It has in mind the personal good of the one who rules. " 27 Thus, social inequality is compounded by State oppression. Sovereigns are concerned not with the public good, but with personal gain. In order to strengthen their tyrannical rule, they wage endless wars with each other, bringing untold suffering to the peoples.

All Campanella's political activity is directed against private interest and social inequality, against the tyranny of princes and dissensions, against the basis of all ills - private property. Only in the light of this protest can we understand his passionate polemic with the Machiavellians, his protest against the Reformation with its doctrine of predestination, church schisms and state conflicts, in the name of a new social order, in the name of the unity of all mankind. This Campanella program is at the heart of all his seemingly heterogeneous writings. It defines the deep inner unity of the social utopia of the "City of the Sun", the plan of state transformations of the" Spanish Monarchy", the idea of world unity proclaimed in the"Monarchy of the Messiah".

23 T. Campanella. Quod reminiscentur. Padova. 1939, p. 66.

24 T. Campanella. Lettere, p 26.

25 Ibid., p. 100.

26 Ibid., pp. 41, 103.

27 T. Campanella. Aforismi politici, p. 102.

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Like Mount Stilo, which in his speeches to the participants of the Calabrian conspiracy he referred to as the mountain of abundance and freedom, the Neapolitan prisoner imagines an impregnable mountain on which the City of the Sun is located - the most complete embodiment of the program of socio-political transformation of society. The rational, scientific organization of the life of the communist community, in accordance with nature and its laws, embodied in the movement of the heavenly bodies, finds its expression already in the appearance and structure of the ideal city: four cobbled streets crossing it and facing the four cardinal directions provide ventilation and healthy living conditions for tanning salons, and "seven vast belts" are located in the center of the or circles named after the seven planets", crowned with a temple in which there are two globes on the altar - terrestrial and celestial, and on the vault - images of all the stars, symbolize both the cult of science (in astrological refraction) and the naturalistic nature of the religious cult of solariums.

The correspondence of the structure of the City of the Sun to nature is an expression of intelligence and the social system that is established in the state of solariums. "They have everything in common" - the basis of Campanella's program is the abolition of private property, the causes of inequality: "The community makes everyone both rich and poor at the same time: rich-because they have everything, poor-because they have no property, and therefore they do not serve things, but things serve them " 28 .

The abolition of private property is connected in the City of the Sun with the abolition of the monogamous family in its then form .29 The community of wives is not the result of borrowing from literary sources (Plato). The fact is that Campanella deduced the emergence of private property and social inequality from the existence of the family: "Property is formed in us and supported by the fact that we each have our own separate dwelling and our own wives and children", and "selfishness arises from this"30 . At the same time, the community of wives in the City of the Sun serves "scientific" ("according to the rules of philosophy") state control over childbirth. Solariums "scoff at the fact that we, while diligently caring for the improvement of dog and horse breeds, neglect the human breed at the same time." According to Campanella's biological and astrological theories ,the" sacred duty " of overseeing the production of offspring, "as the first foundation of State welfare, is entrusted to the care of officials." 31 The State takes care of the younger generation, educating and educating children, and preparing them for work. Campanella's pedagogical ideas - the principles of visual education, the combination of physical education and education, the identification of children's inclinations and abilities in order to best prepare them for participation in common work-were opposed to the ignorance of the people in modern society.

The most important feature of the social system of the ideal state of Campanella is universal participation in labor. The citizens of the City of the Sun "scoff at us for calling craftsmen ignoble, and consider those who are not familiar with any skill to be noble...", and "he is revered as the noblest, who has studied more arts and crafts and who knows how to apply them with greater knowledge." All work is recognized as noble in the community of tanning salons. Thanks to the universal

28 T. Campanella. City of the Sun, Moscow, 1954, p. 45, 71.

29 Ibid., p. 72.

30 Ibid., p. 45.

31 Ibid., pp. 44, 64, 67.

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through participation in work and the application of technological innovations, they achieve shorter working hours and universal affluence .32
However, the social system of the City of the Sun is alien to the crude equalization of medieval utopias. In it, there is not only a division of labor associated with the physiological characteristics of people (the release of women from heavy physical labor), with their abilities (the most incapable "serves as a spy, informing the state of everything that he hears"33), but all types of labor are recognized as equally honorable and necessary for society. Later, in Theologia, Campanella strongly challenged the egalitarian-communist trends of his time. "Genevese and Anabaptists," he wrote, " who want all citizens to live by the labor of their hands, act as if the human body consisted of arms and legs, having neither eyes nor ears... But if the whole society should live like the human body, as nature dictates... then it is necessary that the majority should be engaged in manual labor, and some should give themselves up to contemplation, and others should also teach others, so that all should work, and no one should remain idle, but not all should work with their hands, otherwise all would become like a hand. But it is good that all should live in community and that all possessions should be shared. " 34
This isolation of intellectual labor also explains the specific features of the political structure of the solarian community. All questions of economic, cultural and even personal life of citizens of an ideal state are solved here by a kind of spiritual hierarchy. At the head of the community is the supreme ruler, also known as the high priest, who is called "the Sun", "Metaphysician" and designated by Campanella using the astrological solar symbol. Together with his three co-rulers (Might, Wisdom, and Love), he appoints all officials. The lifetime election of the highest rulers is based on the perfection of their knowledge in the sciences. Campanella constantly emphasizes the crucial role of education in public administration, contrasting the role of science in the City of the Sun with the situation in modern absolutist states ,where " ignorant people are appointed heads of government, considering them suitable for this purpose only because they either belong to the ruling family or are elected by the ruling party."35
All officials of the City of the Sun are enlightened specialists and it is by virtue of their knowledge that they hold the appropriate posts. The very names of positions are characteristic: Astrologer, Cosmographer, Geometer, Historiographer, Physician, Physicist, Economist, Agronomist, Cattle Breeder, Strategist, Blacksmith's master, Engineer, etc.Political power in the Solarian state is connected with the priesthood: the high priest is a Metaphysician, the priests are the highest officials. They are in charge of worship and profess citizens. There is also a special college of priests attached to the temple. But they also belong to a kind of scientific elite of the state: they not only sing psalms, but "it is their duty to observe the stars, mark their movements with an astrolabe, and study their powers and effects on all human affairs... They determine the time for fertilization, for sowing, reaping, harvesting grapes... - record remarkable events and engage in scientific research " 36 . Description of the solarian religion - "the law of nature", close to Christianity, which adds "nothing beyond the laws of nature, except the sacraments that contribute to their observance-

32 Ibid., p. 50.

33 Ibid., p. 73.

34 Cit. by: N. Badaloni. Tommaso Campanella. Milano. 1965, p. 283.

35 T. Campanella. Op. ed.; p. 52.

36 Ibid., p. 105.

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kiu " 37, is combined in Campanella's work with an exposition of natural philosophical and scientific ideas.

In this unification of ecclesiastical and political power, researchers of the Campanella utopia saw the "ideal of the ecclesiastical-political regime", explained by the aspirations of" intellectual circles", to which Campanella himself belonged, and the influence of"old feudal-ecclesiastical traditions "38 or" forced adaptation... to the conditions of modernity" a prisoner and victim of the Inquisition, who clothed his ideas in a "mystical and theocratic form" 39 . However, the Campanella theocracy is not a simple transfer of the traditions of medieval Catholicism to a communist utopia. The point is not the thinker's monastic background or his desire to adapt his program to the interests of the church. The rational organization of the solarium community is based on science as it is understood in the natural philosophy of Campanella, a science related to astrology, which has a "magical" power of influence based on the knowledge of the secret forces of nature. In a theocratic form, the City of the Sun expresses a deeply progressive idea about the primary role of knowledge in the communist community. The Campanella theocracy smacks strongly of technocracy. At the same time, we should not forget about the special role played in the system of ideas of the Calabrian Utopian by the "magical" nature of the naturalistic cult of solariums, which is connected with natural philosophy and astrology. Keeping religion (in a reformed form) in his program of the ideal state, Campanella proceeded from the idea of the importance of the spiritual unity of society. "The community of souls is created and preserved by a religion based on science, which is the soul of politics and the protection of natural law," he wrote in Political Aphorisms .40 "Faith and religion have a magical power in the state, "because they" unite the souls of people, "he urged the Venetians in the pamphlet "To Venice." 41 Campanella knew of no other force capable of influencing the masses. His theocracy embodied the ideal of scientific leadership of society by specialist scientists and at the same time the desire to combine political power with ideological influence.

The Calabrian conspiracy failed. But it did not remain an isolated episode in Campanella's biography. It was not for the sake of a literary exercise that he wrote The City of the Sun in the Neapolitan dungeons. It was a program, but no longer just the program of a failed insurrection, but a plan for general transformation. And it is not opposed, but all the other political writings of Campanella, reflecting the same ideal of socio-political transformation, are organically attached to it. One cannot, therefore, disagree with L. S. Cicolini's conclusion that " Campanella's political writings are conceived and written according to the same plan, are a complement and development of each other. The basic principles of politics outlined by him in politicheskie: essays do not differ from the "City of the Sun" 42 .

However, the failure of the Calabrian conspiracy forced Campanella to reconsider the question of how to implement his radical plans. He tries to understand the reasons for the passivity of the masses who did not support the Calabrian conspirators, to find the means to implement his vision.-

37 Ibid., p. 119.

38 V. P. Volgin. The Communist Utopia of Campanella, In T. Campanella. City of the Sun, p. 27.

39 V. F. Asmus. Tommaso Campanella. "Under the Banner of Marxism", 1939, No. 7, p. 102.

40 T. Campanella.. Aforismi. politici, p. 91.

41 T. Campanella. Antiveneti. Firenze. 1945, pp. 105, 110.

42 HP Chicolini. Op. ed., p. 382.

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the socio-political ideal. In his political writings, he constantly refers to the disturbing examples of the Dolcino uprising in Northern Italy and the head of the Munster Anabaptists, John of Leiden, who tried to implement the ideals of equalizing communism in the Munster Commune. Campanella explained their defeat by the fact that in their attempts "language", that is, socio-religious preaching, was not supported by the" sword " - the military-state force. Having lost hope "and the popular masses' speech, Campanella seeks to make the state power an instrument of radical social transformation. Not in order to curry favor with yesterday's enemy, he wrote "The Spanish Monarchy", but in order to implement the political program he developed within the framework of the world state. The" sword " that Maurizio de Rinaldis was supposed to become in the Calabrian revolt is now embodied for him in the power of the most powerful of European sovereigns - first the Spanish, and then the French king. Christianity, in the new interpretation given to it by Campanella, which is very similar to the "magical" cult of solariums, should become the instrument of spiritual unity of mankind.

Universal unity of humanity-many of Campanella's works are dedicated to this goal. The utopia of a worldwide monarchy is as essential a part of his program as his plan for social transformation. He sees the communist system as part of a worldwide state and spiritual unity. In his appeals to the Spanish crown and to the Papal See for the establishment of" autocracy, " he did not act as a court panegyricist and apologist. He did not seek to expand the existing power of the pope and king, but to radically transform the state and church of his day. In his writings, there is not the pleading tone of an adviser, but the powerful and demanding voice of a teacher and a prophet.

In the era of the emergence and strengthening of nation-states on the ruins of the fictitious unity that was the Holy Roman Empire, in the era of reformed or at least remaining within the framework of Catholicism, but seeking independence from Rome, national churches, this idea of a worldwide theocratic monarchy headed by a Roman high priest looks like a strange anachronism, a relic of the Middle Ages, a reactionary attempt to restore unity of the Catholic world. According to B. Croce, in this program Campanella "did not get ahead of the epochs, but, on the contrary, went back to the medieval idea of a universal empire"43 .

But, proving the need for unity ("it was the devil who introduced many principalities independent of the unified government into the world, sowing among us ambition, ignorance and the resulting schisms, heresies and sins contrary to divine unity")Of course, Campanella was not guided by the interests of the papacy. He proceeded from his idea of the unity of the human race, of the benefits that the cessation of strife will bring to the earthly life of people, to get rid of hunger and disease, to the development and dissemination of science; all this is very far from the Middle Ages. The power of Rome and the achievement of the spiritual unity of humanity within the framework of renewed Catholicism are not the goal, but the means of establishing the Monarchy of the Messiah - a just government, the kingdom of God on earth. It is not by chance that it is in this work that Campanella denounces absolutism and tyranny and justifies the doctrine of the essence of state power, which comes from God, but is given to the rulers

43 B. Croce. The Communism of Tommaso Campanella. In: B. Croce. Historical Materialism and Marxist Economy, St. Petersburg, 1902, p. 304.

44 T. Campanella. Monarchia Messiae. Aesii. 1633, p. 14.

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not directly by God, but from God through the people 45 . It is no accident that the plan for the creation of a world monarchy is combined with the demand for the socialization of property,"for Christ did not come to divide the goods of this world, but to make all things common." 46
Campanella's anti-Machiavellianism is also connected with the doctrine of the state as an instrument of government in the interests of the people. Machiavelli was opposed by both the Jesuits and other ideologues of Catholic reaction, who denounced in the teachings of the Florentine secretary the secular state they hated, which had escaped from the subordination of the church. But if for these critics of Machiavellianism it was important to restore the subordination of the secular state to the church, then in Campanella's utopian program both state power and the church had to submit to the main thing - the establishment of a just social order, the establishment of the kingdom of God - the kingdom of social justice - on earth. Both Campanella's general theoretical constructions and the specific advice and suggestions that he addressed to European sovereigns - whether Neapolitan viceroys, Cardinal Richelieu, the Pope or the King of Spain-are subordinated to this goal.

In the Spanish Monarchy, Campanella refutes those who believe that the state exists for the sovereign, that the sovereign rules for his own good. State power should have in mind the interests of the entire people, and not the rich and noble elite of society. "Laws," emphasized Campanella, " should be such that the people fulfill them, rather out of love than out of fear, seeing that they are useful to them. For when laws are useful only to the king or to a few of his minions, the people hate them. " 47 In his Political Aphorisms, Campanella contrasted the idea of state necessity with the idea of equality, which has the public good in mind. In a reasonable State structure, laws should introduce "equality, the state's nurse, and eliminate harmful inequality", and this should take into account "public wealth, private poverty ,and just government" 48. The state perishes from the "enrichment and strengthening of the barons", and its subjects suffer from their violence and plunder. It is necessary to reduce the income of the nobility, eliminate private prisons. Power in the eyes of the sovereign should not have nobility, but valor, for this it is necessary to " consider every worthy person noble." Tax policy should serve to establish equality. Campanella contrasts the predatory financial policy of the Spanish crown with the new system of taxation. It is necessary to "think more of the poor than of the rich," to impose taxes on barons and usurers, to introduce income taxation in order to "equate the rich with the poor and increase incomes," to establish a monopoly of the grain trade and prohibit speculation in bread. State funds should be spent on national needs - for the maintenance of the army, for education .49 All these measures should, according to the reformer, lead to the implementation of his social program - to the community of property. The state in which the community of property reigns, Campanella calls "the most natural", that is, corresponding to nature. "Equality of property makes the state perfect, stable, and solid, "he writes in Political Aphorisms. 50 Following the example of the apostles, he also calls for a community of possessions in the Monarchy of the Messiah. 51 ,

45 Ibid., p. 70.

46 Ibid., p. 59.

47 T. Campanella. Delia Monarchia di Spagna, p. 118.

48 T. Campanella. Aforismi politici, pp. 101 -102.

49 T. Campanella. Delia Monarchia di Spagna, p. 150.

50 T. Campanella. Aforismi politici, p. 90.

51 T. Campanella. Monarchia Messiae, p. 59.

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The Campanella program also provides for the state's concern for science and education. He calls for the establishment of schools, encouraging the study of natural and mathematical sciences, and organizing trips and expeditions to distant lands for scientific purposes. Campanella proposes a radical reform of the army. We are talking not only about the abolition of class privileges, but also about the creation of a national army. In the universal arming of the people, he sees a guarantee of just government. "To prevent the people from rebelling, "he wrote in the Spanish Monarchy," it is better to arm them than to disarm them. Then, if you govern well, the people will use weapons in your favor, but if you govern badly and unwisely, the people, even if they are not armed, will rise up and find weapons for themselves and turn them against you. " 52
The utopia of a world monarchy is born out of Campanella's political program, the desire to end fratricidal wars, which he calls "unnatural". It was the devil who arranged for "all of us to be within our own countries like worms in cheese," he writes in The Messiah's Monarchy. Only in the world unity of Campanella sees the key to deliverance from wars, from famine, from epidemics: there can not be hunger everywhere at the same time, so in a single state, some lands can help others with their bread; relocation of peoples to healthy places will save them from diseases, and peace will allow them to study science and come to abundance. Thanks to the safety of travel and free communication between people, "science will increase" and universal brotherhood will be established .53 This universal monarchy is not conceived by Campanella as the despotic rule of a single powerful sovereign. It is rather a kind of union of states and peoples. It should be headed by a Roman high priest. A senate should be established in Rome, consisting of either the heads of all States or their representatives. All sovereigns undertake to obey the decrees of this Senate. Of course, all wars are forbidden, all disputes should be resolved through peaceful discussion. If any tyrant should attempt to violate the general consent, all the other sovereigns should act together against the violator of the peace .54
Simultaneously with the radical transformation of the socio-political structure, Campanella calls for the reform of the existing Catholic Church. Based on the idea of the need for a spiritual community of citizens of the world state, Campanella addresses in the work "They will Remember and turn" to all the rulers and peoples of the earth with an appeal to stop religious disputes and unite in a single Christianity. In The Monarchy of the Messiah, Defeated Atheism, and other polemical and theological writings, he emphasizes that all reasonable people who live in accordance with the" natural law " are, without even realizing it, Christians. Christianity itself is interpreted in the spirit of the" law of nature", that is, the religion peculiar to all people, which is professed by the citizens of the City of the Sun. Unlike the Reformation figures, Campanella does not enter into actual dogmatic conflicts with the Church. "I examine the moral precepts of Christ," he wrote to Pope Paul V, "and show by living divine magic that they correspond to the law of nature, and I reveal that Christ is the first reason that lovingly rules." 55
However, the actual Catholic Church is just as small-

52 T. Campanella. Delia Monarchia di Spagna, p. 111.

53 T. Campanella. Monarchia Messiae, pp. 14 - 15.

54 T. Campanella. Quod reminiscentur, pp. 68 - 71.

55 T. Campanella. Lettere, p. 55.

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The lo was suitable for the role of a tool for transforming society, as was the feudal Spanish monarchy. Campanella demands profound and radical reforms of the church. Modern religion, he wrote in Theologia, has become a school for those who want to avoid punishment, and a trick of sovereigns, and a cover for crimes, and a burden for governments by deceiving unfortunate people .56 Modern priests "live, like princes, in accordance with the doctrine of state necessity," he wrote to Paul V and suggested that " all clergy, red or white, green or black, should go to church barefoot, fast, drink plain wine, and eat peasant bread." He taught the Roman pontiff: "It is necessary to manage the ecclesiastical state in such a way that all other nations are envious and seek to fall under the dominion of the church. And where is the difference now between the subjects of the Church and those of other sovereigns? "Executions and taxes, prisons, torture and harassment are similar in everything." 57
The Church will not be able to carry out a general transformation if " the Roman clergy do not reform themselves." At the same time, Campanella does not support the liquidation of church property. The confiscation of the riches of the church in favor of secular sovereigns, the nobility and the bourgeoisie, as it was in the countries of the victorious Reformation, does not suit him. He suggests using church properties in a different way, in the spirit of the same communist program: monasteries should become cells of social transformation, everything should be common in them, and they should serve the whole people. At the same time, the monastic orders themselves must undergo a radical transformation. They should be transformed into public institutions, with the establishment of free public schools; the monks should provide free medical care, specialize in the sciences and crafts, and train the peasants in agriculture and cattle breeding, becoming something like the scholarly-priestly caste that runs the affairs of the City of the Sun. Nepotism and privilege must be abolished, and the head of the Roman Church must be a wise and educated man, akin to the Metaphysician of the Solarian community.

Thus, the worldwide theocratic monarchy that Tommaso Campanella preached had nothing to do with the pretensions of the Spanish crown, nor with the real policy of the papal see. It is no accident that the "Spanish Monarchy" did not find fans at the Madrid court, and the "Monarchy of the Messiah" was destroyed by papal censorship, And the "Kingdom of God", which is dedicated to the last, lifetime edition of Campanella's "Real Philosophy" special treatise, is the "kingdom of God" on earth, the kingdom of universal equality and justice: "For the universal happiness of the entire human race, desired from time immemorial and preached by the sciences, cannot fail to be realized, and all hateful calamities cannot cease except in the Kingdom of God... and this universal aspiration cannot be in vain, and the writings of the prophets cannot fail to be fulfilled, I now wish to say something about the Kingdom of God, for the comfort of all nations and for the sake of harmony, hope and consolation of sovereigns,"he wrote in his political testament. And in the fourteenth book of Theology, he once again returns to his ideal, combining the program of communist social organization with the preaching of world unity.

Passionately believing in the possibility and necessity of realizing the "kingdom of God" - the City of the Sun on earth, Campanella pinned his hopes on 17th-century politicians, including Cardinal Ri-

56 N. Badaloni. Op. cit., p. 282.

57 T. Campanella. Lettere, p. 44.

58 T. Campanella. De Regno Dei (Disputationum... libri quatuor). P. 1637, p. 212.

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chaillet, or the newly born heir to the French crown. In the Eclogue on the Birth of the Dauphin, he dreamed:

Kings will unite, nations will merge together. The great hero will raise up a sunny named City 59 .

Louis XIV did not live up to the hopes placed on him by the Calabrian exile. He did not build the City of the Sun - he himself was called the "Sun King"by the court panegyrists. The Machiavellian idea of the state necessity of absolute monarchy triumphed. Campanella's political program turned utopian.

Thus, the ideals of utopian communism are combined in the political program of Tommaso Campanella with the propaganda of a worldwide theocratic monarchy; he rejects the doctrine of state necessity, which was the ideological justification of absolutism; he opposes the Reformation and confiscation of church property; passionately denounces the thirst for profit and the pursuit of gold that swept the European world in the era of initial accumulation. At the time of the birth of capitalist production, it rejects private property, which is the main basis of bourgeois development.

However, he did not in any way express the longing of the feudal nobility for the irrevocably past patriarchal times of their complete and unruffled rule or the claim of the papal throne to the lost pan-European power. The social nature of Campanella's worldview is revealed in his attitude to the class inconsistency of bourgeois progress. The birth and first steps of the new society were accompanied by incalculable calamities of the masses of the people, the ruin and death of those who paid for every step of capitalist development. Campanella could not understand the continuity of both sides of a single historical process. Hailing the achievements and fruits of civilization, the scientific and technological results of the era of great discoveries, he angrily condemned the pursuit of gold, which blew the sails of Columbian caravels with a fair wind.

Therefore, L. S. Cicolini's conclusion that Campanella "appears to us as the ideologue of the poorest part of the intelligentsia of that time" is controversial and unconvincing (R. Villari recently came to similar results).60. N. Badaloni defines the spiritual drama of Campanella much more profoundly and accurately as the drama experienced by the entire European culture in connection with the onset of the capitalist era. 61 Campanella's utopia is an expression of Plebeian opposition to inhumane forms of class oppression. It expressed both the power of protest against injustice and inequality and the passionate dream of a different, perfect social order, and at the same time the weakness and impotence of the oppressed masses. That is why Campanella's utopia combines an angry protest against oppression with the hope of beneficent intervention from above, revolutionism-with an attempt to convince the powerful of the need for desirable changes, exposing the Machiavellian use of religion as an instrument of political domination with the desire to unite humanity in a Christianity cleansed of abuses, community of property - with theocracy.

The social origin of Campanella's program also explains many of the essential features of the ideal state depicted by him. In his protest against bourgeois individualism, Campanella in the City of the Sun consistently subjugates the human personality.-

59 T. Campanella. Tutte le opere. Vol. I. Milano. 1954, p. 310.

60 HP Chicolini. Edict. op., p. 408; R. Villari. Op. cit., p. 103.

61 N. Badaloni. Op. cit., p. 343.

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responsibility for state control and management. Rejecting marriage based on descent and material interests, he completely forgets about individual love, and the description of the marriage ceremonies of tanning salons does not go beyond his concern for obtaining healthy offspring. Solarians sleep and dine only collectively and go to work in groups, obeying the dictates of the academic-priestly hierarchy in everything. Campanella cares about religious unity, not forgetting the institution of secret spies and the death penalty not only for crimes against the state and for murder, but also for crimes against the dominant religious cult. So in the dream of a fair and reasonable social structure, barrack-monastery features appear. The social nature of Campanella's program was also determined by its practical impracticability: neither the Calabrian conspiracy, nor attempts to carry out reforms from above by enlightened sovereigns or with the help of the church hierarchy were crowned with success.

Tommaso Campanella's utopia was not an archaic relic of medieval theocratic teachings and the egalitarian-communist tendencies of medieval heretical sects. The utopia of the " City of the Sun "and the" Monarchy of the Messiah " was entirely a product of its time, an attempt to find an answer to the questions posed by the most acute social contradictions of the era of initial accumulation. At the same time, this utopia is infinitely far from the program that the founders of scientific socialism will put forward centuries later. From the utopian dreams of the rebellious Calabrian, scientific socialism discarded everything that was caused by the specific circumstances of the era - the theocratic form of the state, astrological fantasies, the ideal of a universal monarchy, monastic and barrack features in the organization of work and life of the citizens of the City of the Sun. But the legacy of the following centuries remained Tommaso Campanella's insights about the role of science in public life, about educating the people, about ending wars and strife, about the abolition of private property and exploitation, about a reasonable and just social structure.

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